F. Poletayev and Italian Resistance Movement

Author(s):  
Бычков ◽  
Maksim Bychkov

The article considers participation of Soviet soldiers in the Italian Resistance on the example of Fyodor Poletayev. The guerrilla movement which began in Italy is analyzed in the context of the General history of the country in the 1920–1940-s. The fascist regime did not have a wide social base. Despite the apparent inability of the anti-fascist political parties and movements to agree among themselves and to take radical action to overthrow it, Italian people have been able to boldly speak out against it. This is reflected in rapid development of partisan movement, which despite harsh repression by German occupiers and their Italian allies was able to conduct intensive work on the liberation of Italy. Soviet soldiers fought among them. This topic was raised in Soviet historical and political literature, but has unfortunately dropped out of public attention recently and therefore requires a sort of resuscitation. This theme allows identifying the complexity, the diversity of problems faced by the people of the Soviet Union, and at the same time shows the role and importance of a common man on the background of global events.

2006 ◽  
Vol 34 (5) ◽  
pp. 575-597 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew H. Ciscel

The politics of language identity have figured heavily in the history of the people of the Republic of Moldova. Indeed the region's status as a province of Russia, Romania, and then the Soviet Union over the past 200 years has consistently been justified and, at least partially, manipulated on the basis of language issues. At the center of these struggles over language and power has been the linguistic and cultural identity of the region's autochthonous ethnicity and current demographic majority, the Moldovans. In dispute is the degree to which these Moldovans are culturally, historically, and linguistically related to the other Moldovans and Romanians across the Prut River in Romania. Under imperial Russia from 1812 to 1918 and Soviet Russia from 1944 to 1991, a proto-Moldovan identity that eschewed connections to Romania and emphasized contact with Slavic peoples was promoted in the region. Meanwhile, experts from Romania and the West have regularly argued that the eastern Moldovans are indistinguishable, historically, culturally, and linguistically, from their Romanian cousins.


KALAM ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-60
Author(s):  
Ramil Adygamov

Al-Maturidy theology has been considered as a traditional creed for many regions in the world, including Volga region of Russia. Throughout the Soviet period, Muslims in Volga were forced to practice their religion in secretive manner, which eventually caused an interruption in the chain of spiritual continuity. But, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, Muslims in Volga started to return to their ethno-confessional tradition. At the same time, the theological tradition had to compete with the Salafi ideology which begun to arrive in the region from abroad. As such has triggered the Muslim proponents of Maturidy traditions to reclaim their heritage. This study aims at tracing the historical process of the origin and development of Maturidy thought in the Volga-Ural region. It uses descriptive and comparative methods and the theory of continuity and changes. Observing the chronological sequence, the study traces the process of the origin and development of Maturidy ideology. The chronological scope of this study is limited by the period from the tenth century until our time. The study reveals that the al-Maturidy's teachings in the region for all periods of historical development have experienced five periods. Three periods show a rapid development stage and two periods experience a decline.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 165-174
Author(s):  
Ришат Нигматуллин

In our country, 2020 has been declared the Year of Memory and Glory by a decree of the President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin. More than 25 million citizens of our country gave their lives for the Victory. The Republic of Bashkortostan made a significant contribution to the victory over fascist Germany. The names of such heroes of the Great Patriotic War as Minigali Shaimuratov, Musa Gareev, Tagir Kusimov, Dayan Murzin, Alexander Matrosov and Minigali Gubaidullin became known outside the republic and country. The article is devoted to the combat path of Dayan Bayanovich Murzin, who was an active participant in the guerrilla movement and the Resistance Movement in Czechoslovakia, the hero of Czechoslovakia. The assistance of the Red Army to the Slovak popular uprising is examined, the role of the Soviet Union in the organization of the Resistance Movement in Eastern Europe is shown.


2019 ◽  
Vol 63 ◽  
pp. 10003
Author(s):  
Oksana Zhukova

In every country, state symbols such as the national flag, emblem, and national anthems represent the independence and sovereignty of the state. In the Soviet Union as well as in other autocratic states symbols also played an important role in propaganda, influencing peoples’ attitudes to the actions of the state at all levels. These symbols could also be found, together with powerful imagery in posters, on buildings, monuments and many other things visible and incorporated in the routine life the people. Ukraine has huge historical heritage of symbolism and propaganda from when the country was a major part of the USSR. After the creation of the USSR a political, socio-economic, cultural and spiritual experiment on the construction of a communist society, which in the case of Ukraine was unprecedented in scale and tragedy, began. The collectivization of the village is one of the most tragic pages in the history of Ukraine. As the most important grain-growing region of the country at the time its production was vital to feed the growing cities and industrialisation. The forced collectivisation led to starvation in the 1930s and millions of people died. In order to counter this most public information showed people another side of collectivization. Propaganda was used, such as posters and slogans, to persuade the peasants to join the collective farms and to promote the real or fictitious results of the workers, and, conversely, to attack people who did not want to believe in the “bright future” of the USSR and to denounce “kulaks” and “saboteurs”. Materials from archives and published sources show many examples of Ukrainian images and symbols of that time which shed a light on the way the collectivisation process was portrayed and promoted.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Krista A. Goff

This chapter seeks to explain why history writing about nontitular minorities in the Soviet Union and in Azerbaijan has proven to be problematic. It looks at the variety of nontitular communities that live in Azerbaijan and the many ethnic conflicts that emerged during its transition to independence in the late 1980s and early 1990s. It also focuses on the state structures and the people living within Soviet Union and Azerbaijan, as well as their geographical range that intersects with the history of Iran, Turkey, and neighboring republics in the Soviet Caucasus. The chapter describes a regional world that extended beyond Soviet borders and argues that uncovering nontitular histories helps to better understand both Soviet and post-Soviet ethnic conflicts. It mentions the Soviet state that supported the development of minorities to counter the colonial legacy of Great Russian chauvinism.


2021 ◽  
pp. 213-239
Author(s):  
Aleksander Głogowski

THE BEGINNINGS OF THE MILITARY AND CIVIL UNDERGROUND IN THE VILNIUS REGION IN 1939-1941 The first years of the occupation of the Vilnius Region were an unusual period in terms of the history of the Polish Underground State and the Polish armed resistance movement. This area was occupied after September 17, 1939 by the Soviet Union, but part of it was transferred to the Republic of Lithuania, along with which it was re-incorporated into the Soviet Union. The Lithuanian occupation was a considerable challenge both for the Polish authorities in exile and for the inhabitants of the Vilnius Region. Meeting such a challenge required certain diplomatic talents (not to worsen the situation of Poles living in this area) as well as knowledge of the relations in the area, which was a problem for the Polish authorities in France, and especially in Great Britain. The Polish inhabitants of the Vilnius Region considered the legal status of their land to be illegal occupation, while the Lithuanians claimed that thanks to a new agreement with the USSR, the period of occupation of these lands by Poles ended. These opinions, together with the mutual resentments and stereotypes flourishing for nearly 20 years, made the peaceful coexistence of two nations difficult, or even impossible. The government of the Republic of Poland tried to prevent the attempts to start an anti-Lithuanian uprising, not wanting to provoke the other two occupiers into military intervention. To this stage, it sought an intermediate solution between the abandonment of any conspiracy (which carried the threat of forming armed groups beyond the control of the legal Polish authorities) and its development on a scale known, for example, from the German or Soviet occupation. The Vilnius Region was to become the personnel and organisational base for the latter. The dilemma was resolved without Polish participation at the time of the annexation of the Republic of Lithuania by the Soviets. Then the second period of the Soviet occupation began, characterised by much greater brutality than the first one, with mass arrests, executions and deportations. The policy of repression primarily affected the pre-war military staff and their families, who were the natural base for the resistance movement of the intelligentsia. Fortunately, this process ended at the time of the German aggression against the USSR. Those that survived the period of the “second Soviet invasion” could in the new conditions continue their underground activities and prepare for an armed uprising in the circumstances and in the manner indicated by the Home Army Headquarters and the Polish Government in London.


Modern Italy ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 251-265
Author(s):  
Philip Cooke

Based on archival materials in Italy and the Czech Republic, the article examines the history of the Italian Communist Party (PCI) radio programme ‘Oggi in Italia’, which was broadcast from Prague to Italy throughout the 1950s and 1960s. The programme was produced clandestinely by former partisans who had fled to Czechoslovakia in order to escape prosecution during the ‘trial of the Resistance’ (processo alla Resistenza). ‘Oggi in Italia’ was a central element in the PCI's media strategy, particularly during the Cold War, when access to the official airwaves was circumscribed. The programme was thus a key element of the long-term legacy of the Resistance movement, but also played a highly significant role in the wider process of negotiation between the Communist parties of Italy, Czechoslovakia and the Soviet Union.


2020 ◽  
Vol 198 (4) ◽  
pp. 749-762
Author(s):  
Zdzisław Cutter

The presented article addresses the history of the Second Polish Republic’s political relations with the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in 1939-1943. The study aims to characterize the mass deportations and the distribution of Polish citizens in the territory of the Soviet Union, with emphasis on the population of the Mosaic faith. The statistical method was used to analyze and assess the fundamental issues related to the exploration of the Jewish population against the background of the national structure of Poland in the years 1918-1939, mass deportations of the people of the Eastern Borderlands by the Soviet authorities in 1940-1941, and the areas of the Soviet state where people from the occupied territories of the Second Polish Republic were deployed. The substantive considerations also indicated that mass deportation actions and everyday life on “inhuman land” reached not only Poles but also Polish citizens of the Mosaic faith.


2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 74
Author(s):  
Emil Dwi Febrian

This article examines history collapse of the Soviet Union with Ibn Khaldun's ashabiyah theory. The Soviet Union was first communist nation founded in 1922 after fall of the Russian-Monarchy due to the crisis and saparatist movement in 1917. Post World War II, the Soviet Union became a center of the communist movement around the world, and advanced in industrial sector, known as a superpower nation in the 20th century beside the United States. However, the Soviet Union was declared collapsed in 1991. This article found that Ibn Khaldun's ashabiyah can explain history of the Soviet Union in three stages of state metamorphosis; formation, glory, and collapse. Ashabiyah means a bond that unites the people, but it can be positive and negative. Analysis with negative ashabiyah, concluded that the collapse of Marxism-Leninism in Soviet Union was due to the denial of this philosophical teaching to create the privileges of the Communist Party became an authoritarian regime, and considered irrelevant and opposed by society. Authoritarianism happaned because of exclusivism and cult, and could occur in non-communist nations, including Indonesia in the New Order era, this shows that it is not ideology that created of authoritarian regimes, but political practices in specific nations.


2018 ◽  
pp. 793-808
Author(s):  
Alexander S. Masyutin ◽  

The article analyses various aspects of the life in prison of political prisoners of the Vyatka gubernia. Unpublished documents from the archives of Kirov and Moscow, on which this study is based, designate the subject of the study; that is, they allow to establish forms of resistance of political prisoners to prison regime, to identify patterns of their escapes, to trace dynamics in occupancy of political prisons in the Vyatka gubernia, to establish instances of interaction between representatives of different left parties while in penal institutions. The timeframe of the study is the period of the first Russian revolution of 1905-1908, when prisons ceased to be the tenement of few and far between ardent revolutionaries from the privileged strata of society, and swarmed with much less versed ideologically masses of the discontented. Thus, in view of a participant of the revolutionary events of 1905-1908, Socialists-Revolutionary Maximalist G. A. Nestroev, the ideological grounding of the political prisoners deteriorated significantly. The author, however, believes that this ‘diversity’ of prisoners allows to conduct a more thorough analysis of their public activity in prison and to better link the activities of prisoners with the people on whose behalf the revolutionary forces acted. The author focuses on the Socialists-Revolutionaries, as their percentage among prisoners was much higher than that of the Socialists-Democrats. Known for several high-profile assassinations, the former were considered more dangerous state criminals than the Socialists-Democrat ‘propagandists,’ and thus were subject to more severe punishments. After the October revolution 1917, the Bolsheviks created an extensive mythologized literature on fellow party members who served time in tsarist prisons but mentioned only several Socialists-Revolutionaries, and these were politically harmless, or deceased (like E. S. Sazonov), or attached to the Bolshevik party (like V. N. Rukhlyadev). Findings and conclusions of the article can be used in research of the later periods in the history of Russia and the Soviet Union, particularly, for comparison of the prisoners’ struggle with the prison administration and of the forms of assistance to prisoners from the outside in tzarist Russia and later.


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