Dynamics of the social structure of the Russian middle class

2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 44-54
Author(s):  
Алексеенок ◽  
Anna Alekseenok ◽  
Гальцова ◽  
Anna Galtsova

The article presents a study of the dynamics of the social structure of the Russian middle class. It examines the dynamics of a number of different social groups in Russia in 2003-2014, «blocking» signs for the population which is not a member of the middle class, 2003-2014, self-assessment of the dynamics of 2014 and the possible dynamics for the next year of the financial position in the last year prior the survey in the different groups of the population. Also the analysis of dynamics of value orientations of different population groups, social identity, of the ways and the main types of leisure in the middle class is held. The article compares the model of Russian social structure, built on the basis of social self-assessment of the status of the Russian people in 2014 and 2000.

Slavic Review ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 76 (2) ◽  
pp. 327-349
Author(s):  
Alison K. Smith

In 1832, an imperial manifesto established a new social estate (soslovie) of “honored citizens.” The new status was granted to successful merchants, professionals, and artists, and gave them permanent (and sometimes inherited) privilege. Honored citizens have been largely forgotten or discounted, both by literary authors of the nineteenth century and by historians. They were, however, a conscious effort on the part of the imperial state to create a middle class in the context of an estate-based social structure, an effort that followed several decades of previous experimentation and discussion. Thousands of subjects of the Russian Empire took on the new status, to the point that by 1897 honored citizens outnumbered merchants. They understood themselves as having an honorable place in the social structure, and were understood as a sign of the status of Russian towns. Honored citizen status gave a certain amount of stability to the new middle class, although not every honored citizen prospered. As a social estate, honored citizens were unique, for they were not unified in opportunity, and because they did not have a collective association—they were individuals in the law. They were, as a result, present and important but paradoxical: while defined by estate law, they were closer to individual subjects or even citizens than almost anyone else in imperial society. In addition, their lack of a collective voice muted their radical potential, masking them from contemporary and historical view.


Author(s):  
Ю.В. Ковалева

Представлено продолжение историографического и психолого-исторического анализа научных представлений о больших социальных группах в соответствии с этапами развития социальной психологии и статуса таких групп в различные исторические периоды жизни страны. Начало этого анализа представлено в публикации (Ковалева, 2020), в которой была реализована первая задача исследования по определению исторических рамок, в которые понятие «большие социальные группы» получило свое развитие. Также было показано решение второй задачи, а именно была дана характеристика общественно-политическим условиям и уровню гуманитарного знания для двух первых из выделенных периодов - становления социально-психологического направления исследований в России (вторая половина ХIХ - начало ХХ вв.) и развития социальной психологии в 1920-е и до середины 1930-х гг. Продолжение статьи посвящено решению второй задачи для трех последующих периодов - латентного этапа в становлении социальной психологии (середина 1930-х - 1950-е гг.), возрождения отечественной социальной психологии (1960-е - середина 1970-х гг.) и оформления современной отечественной социальной психологии в систему научного знания (середина 1970-х - 1980-е гг.). Описаны масштабные события, приводившие к значительным и очень разнородным трансформациям общественной структуры в изучаемые годы, приведены редко публикуемые данные о социальной динамике в стране в годы Великой Отечественной войны, а также об усложнении социальной структуры и общественных настроений после Победы. В связи с этим отмечаются упущенные возможности по социально-психологическому исследованию больших социальных групп, но одновременно подчеркивается высокий прогресс в накоплении теоретического и эмпирического материала после восстановления социальной психологии как научной отрасли. The continuation of historiographic and historical-psychological analysis of scientific ideas about large social groups in accordance with the stages of development of social psychology and the status of such groups in various historical periods of the country's life was presented. The beginning of this analysis is presented in a publication (Kovaleva, 2020), in which the first task of the study was realized to determine the historical framework in which the concept of «large social groups» was developed. The solution of the second problem was also shown, namely, the characterization of socio-political conditions and the level of humanitarian knowledge was given for the first two of the selected periods - the formation of the socio-psychological direction of research in Russia (second half of the XIX - beginning of the XX centuries) and the development of social psychology in the 1920s. The continuation of the article was devoted to solving the second problem for three subsequent periods - the latent stage in the formation of social psychology (1930-50s), the revival of domestic social psychology (1960s) and the design of modern domestic social psychology into the system of scientific knowledge (1970-80s). Large-scale events leading to significant and very heterogeneous transformations of the social structure in the studied years are described, rarely published data on the social dynamics in the country during the Great Patriotic War, as well as on the complication of the social structure and public sentiments after the Victory. In this regard, there are lost opportunities for socio-psychological research of large social groups, but at the same time high progress in the accumulation of theoretical and empirical material after the restoration of this scientific industry is emphasized.


Slavic Review ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 747-768 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alison K. Smith

During the first half of the nineteenth century, arguments over Russian social structure played a central role in discussions of eating establishments. The Russian state controlled these establishments in part through legislation that kept social groups apart; it focused particularly on the extremes of the social hierarchy, showing little interest in the middling groups. In more narrative descriptions of eating establishments, however, the middling groups—or their absence—seemed remarkably important. Foreign observers generally felt that Russia lacked both a middle class and middling eating establishments. Russians in part agreed, but by the middle of the century they were more likely to locate a middle class among one particular group: Moscow's merchants.


2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Halamska

The article discusses changes in the social structure of rural population in the years 1991–2013. In that period the share of farmers decreased from 46% to 27%, the share of workers increasing from 33% to 45% and the share of middle class – from 15% to 27%. These changes are the result of three overlapping processes: deagrarianisation / depeasantization (the specific, two-phase “end” of the peasants), proletarianization (saturation of rural community by the representatives of social groups classified as blue-collar workers) and gentrification (i.e. the growth of middle class, also called bourgeois). In Poland, those processes took a different course than in the West: they are not only shifted in time, but they also overlap. The article is based on the data from 1991, 2003 and 2013.


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 92
Author(s):  
V. V. Gorshkova ◽  
A. A. Melnikova

The article considers the contradictions and conflicts that are characteristic of modern Russian society. The processes of social disintegration are analyzed and interpreted as a result of fundamental social and economic transformations. The problems of economic inequality are presented in the historical perspective in close connection with the previous stages of Russia's socioeconomic development. Significant polarization of the population is one of the most significant conflict factors in modern society, which leads to an increase in protest moods and may in the long term threaten social upheavals. Nevertheless, dissatisfaction with the socio-economic situation does not lead to ideas of the unification and consolidation of society, but find expression in social conflicts. The emergence and development of social conflicts is influenced by a number of factors: economic, ethnic, religious. One of the most important characteristics of society is its social structure. After the collapse of the USSR, the previous social structure was abolished, and a new social reality was formed in Russia. When considering the stratification structure of society, most attention is paid to the middle class, which is considered the backbone of a stable society. The middle class in Russia is in the stage of formation, it is hardly possible to speak of a complete analogy with the middle class of Western society. The share of middle class in society can be estimated in different ways depending on the methodological approaches used by researchers. An important consequence of the transformation of the social structure was the problem of marginalization, since the dismantling of the old social structure and the slow formation of the new one put the social status and place in the division of labor system of many individuals into question. The sharp impoverishment of representatives of prestigious professions led to a reassessment of their situation, especially for the younger generation. When analyzing the origins of social conflicts in modern Russian society, it is necessary to consider the issue of the attitude of the broad masses of the population to power and national elites. It should be noted that power in Russia historically takes shape around specific leaders and does not have an institutional character. The most significant factor shaping the attitude towards the authorities and the elite in general in Russian society are the economic results of the market reforms that have taken place. Only a small part of the population believes that they won as a result of the changes that have taken place, the natural consequence of which is the population's distrust of the authorities and, in general, political institutions.


Author(s):  
Didier Fassin

If punishment is not what we say it is, if it is not justified by the reasons we invoke, if it facilitates repeat offenses instead of preventing them, if it punishes in excess of the seriousness of the act, if it sanctions according to the status of the offender rather than to the gravity of the offense, if it targets social groups defined beforehand as punishable, and if it contributes to producing and reproducing disparities, then does it not itself precisely undermine the social order? And must we not start to rethink punishment, not only in the ideal language of philosophy and law but also in the uncomfortable reality of social inequality and political violence?


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 383-399
Author(s):  
Shikha Karmokar ◽  
Md. Mintu Mohin ◽  
Molla Karimul Islam ◽  
Md. Rezaul Alam ◽  
Mohammad Mahfuzur Rahman

The cyclone vulnerability of women is much higher than men due to their poverty, social norms and marginal position in the social structure. Reducing women’s vulnerability is, therefore, imperative to improve the situation. However, the present practices of vulnerability assessment have several limitations. As an alternative, this study proposed and tested a weighted framework to assess the vulnerability in a quantitative form. The proposed framework considers 18 indicators carefully adapted from vulnerability literature. The indicator statuses were defined based on their vulnerability potentials and assigned an integer value. The higher the status value the greater the vulnerability potentials. The indicator’s status values were standardized, and their weights were estimated. The vulnerability scores for every indicator thereafter estimated by multiplying its status value by its weight. Finally, an individual’s vulnerability score was calculated by taking the average vulnerability scores of all the indicators. The framework was tested on 140 randomly selected cyclone-affected women from ten coastal villages of Bangladesh. The proposed scores-based vulnerability expresses the vulnerability status with an integer value easier to understand and allows spatial comparability. This framework could be improved further preferably through stakeholder consultations about the appropriateness of the indicators, indicator statuses, and their weights. An improved and well-agreed framework would assist in integrative policy formulation to reduce women’s vulnerability to cyclone disaster. Moreover, this approach could be adopted in vulnerability ranking/mapping for other disasters.


Author(s):  
Christopher Robert Reed

This chapter explores the intricacies of the first discernible class structure that conformed to normative standards of socioeconomic status in Chicago's history. Black Chicago developed a very small but distinguishable upper class, large segments within the broad middle classes, enormous laboring classes including industrial and service sector workers, and an underclass. The members of the upper class owned and managed businesses, chose housing commensurate with their status, consumed their disposable income with conspicuous delight, engaged in civic activities, and socially acted as a group apart from other segments of their racial cohort to which they traditionally held their primary social allegiance. The middle class focused on occupation, wealth production, educational attainment, cultural interests, and character. The working-class, however, formed the bulk of black Chicago's citizenry.


1974 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-165 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodney Schneck ◽  
Douglas Russell ◽  
Ken Scott

In discussion of the social structure of modern capitalist societies the distinction between the “old” and “new” middle class is common. The old middle class is epitomized by the small businessman and the new middle class by the bureaucratic manager and employee. It has been postulated that the political sentiments and attitudes are different among these two subsets of the middle class. Specifically, it is hypothesized that the old middle class in a mature industrial and capitalistic system is especially vulnerable to right-wing extremism. It is the purpose of this paper to report research testing the above general hypothesis by using three factors of explanation.


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