scholarly journals Method activation end date in the past. direction:re

2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
pp. 279-289
Author(s):  
Валентин Любашиц ◽  
Valentin Lyubashits ◽  
Алексей Мамычев ◽  
Aleksey Mamychev

The article analyzes the concept of the state apparatus, the role of parliaments in the political life of society and the state. The basis of the construction and functioning of the state machinery of any country on objective and subjective factors. The alienation of people from property and political power that has occurred in our country, is the initial state, generating the need for democracy as the need to overcome the old and new forms of alienation of power from society as a resolution of the conflict between the diversity of social and political interests of the subjects of political power and the possibilities of their embodiments of the structures and institutions of power.

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-36
Author(s):  
Ridwan - Mubarok

For every Muslim, the role of civilization is identical to authentic mission as a leader as a leader in this earth, whose role is greater than leading a province or country. The participation of ulama, dai or da'wah movements in the political sphere is his right, but the missionary movement or organization must also be aware of and be aware of people or persons who want to manipulate da'wah as a vehicle for world politics. Da'wah movements or dai must be able to use various life instruments that exist today for the sake of da'wah. Ulama and the da'i who join in the organization movement or da'wah movement, must realize that they are part of the chain of struggle of the people. Now is the time for da'i or ulama to proclaim themselves from the past fetters that castrated the political life of the scholars.Bagi setiap muslim, peran peradaban identik dengan misi otentik sebagai pemimpin sebagai pemimpin dimuka bumi ini, yang perannya lebih besar dibandingkan memimpin sebuah provinsi atau negara. Keikutsertaan para ulama, dai atau gerakan dakwah dalam ranah politik merupakan haknya, akan tetapi gerakan atau organisasi dakwah juga harus menyadari serta mewaspadai terhadap orang atau oknum yang hendak memperalat dakwah sebagai kendaraan politik dunia. Gerakan dakwah ataupun para dai harus dapat menggunakan berbagai instrument kehidupan yang ada saat ini untuk kepentingan dakwah. Ulama maupun para da’i yang bergabung dalam gerakan organisasi atau gerakan dakwah, harus menyadari bahwasanya dirinya merupakan bagian dari mata rantai perjuangan umat. Kini sudah saatnya para da’i ataupun ulama dapat memproklamirkan diri dari belenggu masa lalu yang mengebiri kehidupan politik para ulama, PPP menjadi salah satu alternatif.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Teo Ballvé

This introductory chapter briefly explores the ways in which imaginaries of statelessness have structured the political life of Urabá, Colombia. It argues that Colombia's violent conflicts have produced surprisingly coherent and resilient regimes of accumulation and rule—yet this is not to say they are benevolent. In order to do so, this chapter approaches the state as a dynamic ensemble of relations that is both an effect and an instrument of competing political strategies and relations of power. In Urabá, groups from across the political spectrum, armed and otherwise, all end up trying to give concrete coherence to the inherently unwieldy abstraction of the state in a space where it supposedly does not exist. The way this absence exerts a generative political influence is what this chapter establishes as the “frontier effect.” The frontier effect describes how the imaginary of statelessness in these spaces compels all kinds of actors to get into the business of state formation; it thrusts groups into the role of would-be state builders.


Author(s):  
V. Sukhanov

The article analyzes the influence of the religious aspects on the political processes in Israel. Special attention is paid to the role of religion in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The author shows the trend towards politicization of religion and characterizes the process as unconstructive, which prevents to a peaceful settlement of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.The article also discusses the interaction between secular and religious principles in the State of Israel, estimates the current situation, highlights the importance of the religious component in the political life of Israel.


2021 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 183-199
Author(s):  
Daria Słupianek-Tajnert

The article attempts to analyse the conceptualisation of the scientist-physicist based on the examples of selected reportages by Hanna Krall and Jacek Hugo-Bader. The analysis was conducted in an axiolinguistic key and its aim was to confirm the thesis about the important role of physicists in the Soviet axiosphere. It can be observed that in the axiological profile of a physicist, obtained on the basis of an empirical analysis, instrumental values dominate and these are closely connected with the fact that physicists are associated with political interests. Physicists, who function as objects of evaluation in the analysed reportages, are also a means of an indirect evaluation in relation to the political system in the USSR and reflect ways in which the country treats its citizens. The empirical material analysed allows us to conclude that within the Russian linguistic-cultural area, the physicist does not refer us only to a scientist dealing with a specific research discipline, but deserves to be called a concept that reflects a characteristic stage of the social and political life of the USSR, permanently inscribed into the axiosphere of that period.


GeoTextos ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean Carlos Rodrigues ◽  
Robson Francisco Barros dos Santos ◽  
Cássio Fonseca Alves

Este artigo foi construído a partir de uma pesquisa que estabeleceu uma intrínseca relação entre geografia e voto no estado do Tocantins. Seu objetivo principal consistiu em desenvolver uma análise sobre a distribuição espacial dos votos para o poder executivo estadual (governador) de 1988 a 2010, nesta unidade da federação, distribuídos em seus 139 municípios, a fim de identificarmos as territorialidades dos votos bem como os domínios eleitorais estaduais que se estabeleceram ao longo da vida política tocantinense. Para tanto, ao longo desta pesquisa, nos dedicamos a leituras bibliográficas pertinentes ao referido tema, e a coletar e cartografar os resultados dos pleitos eleitorais disponíveis no Tribunal Superior Eleitoral (TSE) e no Tribunal Regional Eleitoral-Tocantins (TRE/TO). Como considerações, apontamos o uso e o controle do território exercido por meio do voto por distintos atores políticos regionais, a manutenção do poder político de uma elite política estabelecida desde a primeira eleição para governador (1988) e suas implicações sobre a geografia eleitoral tocantinense. Abstract THE ELECTORAL GEOGRAPHY OF THE STATE OF TOCANTINS:ANALYSIS OF THE ELECTIONS FOR GOVERNOR FROM 1988 TO 2010 This article was devised based on a survey that establishes an intrinsic relationship between geography and vote in the State of Tocantins. The main objective consisted in developing an analysis of the spatial distribution of the votes for the state executive (governor) from 1988 to 2010 in this state, distributed into its 139 municipal districts, so we can identify the territoriality of the votes as well as the state voting domains that were established during the political life in Tocantins. For such, during this survey, we spent time reading bibliographies related to the theme in question, and to collect and map the results of the election dispute available in the Superior Electoral Court (TSE) and Regional Electoral Court-Tocantins (TRE/TO). As considerations, we appointed the use and control of the territory exercised by means of the vote by distinct regional political players, maintenance of the political power over a political elite established since the first election for governor (1988) and its implications on the electoral geography of Tocantins


Author(s):  
Natalya Buzanova

July 12, 1889 Alexander III approved the draft law according to which “Regulations on territorial chiefs” was published. As of 1913, county congresses and governorate presences and territorial chiefs were introduced in forty-three governorates of European Russia, including the Tambov Governorate. The need for a new body of state control was due to the lack of a strong governmental power close to the people. The autocracy introduced this institute with the aim of restoring the landlords’ power over the peasant world, lost as a result of serfdom abolition in 1861. The powers of territorial chiefs were extensive: administrative, judicial, oversight, including control over the activities of peasant rural and volost institutions. However, over time, the functions of territorial chiefs were changed in comparison with what was originally written in the Regulation. We focus on issue of territorial chiefs participation in the political sphere of the state. The main sources for this research were data from the State archive of the Tambov Region. The government gave territorial chiefs the control of the peasant’s life from all sides, but due to circumstances, they were also drawn into the political processes of the state, especially at the beginning of the 20th century. We show that territorial chiefs were obedient executors of government policy, which was carried out in the counties, which was not at all provided for in their main functions. We investigate territorial chiefs’ role in the work of the State Duma. Thus, in the presence of different functions directions, we could hardly expect a positive effect from the institute as a whole.


2014 ◽  
Vol 42 (5) ◽  
pp. 602-619 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuki Shiozaki ◽  
Hiroko Kushimoto

The role and status of religious authority needs to be read into Malaysian political history over the past fifty years. During this period as the Malaysian state constructed its national identity and plotted its policy course, the role of Islam and religious leaders became an important point of debate. It is within this context that this article considers the independence and autonomy of Malaysian Muslim religious leaders. Traditional religious authority in Malaysia finds its underpinnings largely in the institutions of Islamic learning locally known as pondoks, which are a community of students of Islam under the directions of a religious leader, ulama (also often known as a Tok Guru). However as the state consolidated their control over these religious leaders whom were co-opted into the state apparatus, by employment and education at state universities, their social significance has been destabilized. In the wake of this compromised socio-political and religious position alternative sources of authoritative Islamic teachings have emerged in recent years such as the Tablighi Jamaʿat discussed in this article.


2019 ◽  
pp. 158-163
Author(s):  
Hilola Abdurakhmonova

Замонавий шароитда сиёсий коммуникацияни тадқиқ этишнинг умумназарий ва методологик жиҳатлари ахборотлаштиришда ижтимоий омиллар таҳлили, ўтмиш олимларининг сиёсий назариянинг умумий муаммоларига бағишланган асарлари, давлат ва жамиятнинг ўзаро муносабатлари, сиёсий ҳокимиятнинг моҳияти ва механизмлари кўриб чиқилган. В статье рассматриваются общетеоретические и методологические стороны политической коммуникации в контексте современных социально-политических аспектов коммуникации, дается анализ социальных факторов формирования информационного общества, а также рассматриваются общие проблемы политической теории различных ученых, взаимодействие государства и общества, сущность и механизмы политической власти. This article discusses various aspects of political communication, the context of modern social and political aspects of political communication, the analysis of social factors in the formation of information society, the general problems of the political theory of the past, the interaction of the state and society, the essence and mechanisms of political power.


Author(s):  
Marie Lounsbery ◽  
Frederic Pearson

This paper explores the role of identity-based, or discriminatory, policy in facilitating the outbreak of ethnopolitical violence in India. A discriminatory policy is the merging of communal group identity with the state apparatus. It is argued that as the Indian government enacts policies beneficial or discriminatory to particular identity groups within the country, other groups feel threatened. Groups who feel disadvantaged by the policy may begin to fear for their own security and political interests motivating them to rebel. When focusing on Indian policy and ethnopolitical violence during the period 1945 to 2000, the authors find that, although there are many cases of seemingly spontaneous episodes of violence, when identitybased policies do occur, they are often followed by violence and/or protest.


2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 837-867 ◽  
Author(s):  
SUNIL PURUSHOTHAM

Jawaharlal Nehru was both a historian and a self-conscious agent of historical change. This essay explores his political thought by bringing these two perspectives together. I argue that his approaches to a number of issues, including the state project that has been his most significant legacy, shared a concern with linking together the past, present and future. My concern here is primarily with the post-1947 phase of Nehru's career, which was marked by key shifts in his political thought due to a perceived transformation of temporal experience and an altered relationship with history. By attending to the way his thought worked through notions of temporality and historicity, this article offers insights into Nehru's understanding of technological modernity, violence, socialism, the individual, the nation and the role of the state.


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