Features of Formation of Properties, Characteristics and Qualities of Homo Political: Biopolitical Interpretation

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 23-28
Author(s):  
Костючков ◽  
S. Kostyuchkov
Keyword(s):  
Economic Conditions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
Genes And Environment ◽  
State And Society ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Random Substitution ◽  
Political Norms ◽  
Biological Nature

This article discusses the biopolitical studies of human behavior on the basis of genetic and environmental determination of its biosocial characteristics, examines the role of heredity and environmental conditions, with emphasis on the fact that human behavior is formed as a result of their combined influence, complicated interaction and interference of genes and environment. Particular attention is given to the process of political socialization of the individual and the phenomena of tolerance / intolerance, as a product of social interaction. It is emphasized that the political socialization of the person is a bivalent, bidirectional process of influence of the state and society to the individual in order to integrate him into the existing system of political relations, conscious perception by the individual political norms, values, attitudes. The author stresses the importance of biopolitical aspect of political socialization that involves relatively high autonomy of the individual in selecting political positions, their random substitution, as well as the ability to be guided by internal, sometimes unconscious preferences and beliefs. The conclusion is that the specificity of modern biopolitics is seen in concentrated interest in the problems of society, related both to the political, social and economic conditions of human existence, and with its biological nature.

Trade Unions

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Whiting
Keyword(s):  
Trade Unions ◽  
Political System ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
British Politics ◽  
Modern Britain ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Critical Moments

In assessing the relationship between trade unions and British politics, this chapter has two focuses. First, it examines the role of trade unions as significant intermediate associations within the political system. They have been significant as the means for the development of citizenship and involvement in society, as well as a restraint upon the power of the state. Their power has also raised questions about the relationship between the role of associations and the freedom of the individual. Second, the chapter considers critical moments when the trade unions challenged the authority of governments, especially in the periods 1918–26 and 1979–85. Both of these lines of inquiry underline the importance of conservatism in the achievement of stability in modern Britain.

Conclusion

2020 ◽  
pp. 159-178
Author(s):  
Mike Allen ◽  
Lars Benjaminsen ◽  
Eoin O’Sullivan ◽  
Nicholas Pleace
Keyword(s):  
Social Services ◽  
The State ◽  
European Countries ◽  
The Political ◽  
Administrative Culture ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
State And Market ◽  
The Individual

Chapter 7 draws together some of the lessons that can be learned from the experiences of three small European countries in responding to homelessness. It is clear that responses to homelessness are embedded and enmeshed in the political and administrative culture of the individual countries, particularly the role of the state, both centrally and locally, in the provision of housing, welfare, and social services. Homelessness cannot be responded to as a separate issue from this broader context, and this is particularly the case in Finland and Ireland, where the roles of the state and market are understood very differently.

Citizens and Political Sophistication

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henrik Oscarsson ◽  
Lauri Rapeli
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Research Field ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Sophistication ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Nuanced Understanding ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Changes Over Time

Political sophistication refers to the role of expertise and the use of information in the forming of political judgments. Citizens in a democracy need a sufficient level of political sophistication to make sense of politics and to hold office holders accountable. Most people do not seem to be as sophisticated as theory would expect, and political sophistication also seems to be very unevenly spread among individuals. The consequences for democratic governance continue to be a matter of much scholarly debate. Although most researchers agree that sophistication among citizens tends to be low, many issues in the research field are deeply contested. First, several concepts such as awareness, sophistication, and knowledge are used more or less interchangeably in analyses of the political competence of citizens. It is, however, unclear whether the terminology conceals essential conceptual differences. Second, the empirical strategy of using surveys to measure sophistication has been heavily criticized. For some, the survey is an unsuitable method because it measures the respondents’ ability to produce correct answers under suboptimal conditions, rather than measuring what they actually know about politics. For others, the survey questions themselves are an inadequate measure of sophistication. Third, it is not clear what the effects of citizens’ political sophistication or lack thereof are on democratic governance. According to one group of scholars, the aggregated opinions and electoral choices of democratic publics would not look very different even if they were more sophisticated. The opponents of this low-information rationality theorem claim that increases in citizens’ sophistication would lead to substantial differences in democratic output. In other words, perceptions of the significance of sophistication for democracy deeply divide scholars working in the field. There is less disagreement concerning the individual-level determinants of sophistication. Although being male, well educated, and in a socially advantaged position still stand out as the strongest predictors of high sophistication, recent findings provide a more nuanced understanding of how sophistication is distributed among citizens. In addition to many enduring disputes, some questions remain largely unanswered. Without cross-nationally standardized survey items, scholars have struggled to conduct comparative studies of political sophistication. Therefore, role of political institutions as facilitators of political sophistication is to some extent uncertain. Whether and how sophistication changes over time are equally important, but mostly unexplored, questions.

scholarly journals Prerequisites for self-determination and the sovereignty of Tuva (Russia) in 1921

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (3C) ◽  
pp. 272-277
Author(s):  
Andrey Ivanovich Baksheev ◽  
Pavel Alexandrovich Novikov ◽  
Alla Lospanovna Mongush ◽  
Saida Vladimirovna Saaya ◽  
Julia Sergeevna Shepeleva ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Self Determination ◽  
Economic Conditions ◽  
The Political ◽  
General Context ◽  
Declaration Of Independence ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The Status ◽  
Soviet Russia

The article analyzes the prerequisites of self-determination and sovereignty of Tuva in 1921. Briefly, the general context of events is revealed, the main episodes and key personalities are listed. Using historical-genetic, comparative-historical and problem-chronological methods, the positions of Mongolia and Soviet Russia and their relationship on the status of Tuva, the organization and convocation of the All-Tuva Constituent Khural, which proclaimed the independence of Tuva, as well as the consequences of the declaration of independence of Tuva, were reconstructed. The role of the authorized representative of the Sibrevkom in Uryanhai I.G. Safyanov in this process is shown. In conclusion, the authors conclude that the emergence of a sovereign Tuva state was made possible both due to the contradictory political situation in Asia and due to the role of I.G. Safyanov in history. Since 1921, Tuva began to live and develop in the political and economic conditions created by the Constituent Khural.

scholarly journals Blockchain as Res Publica: Towards a Political Genealogy of a Distributed Ledger

2021 ◽  
Vol V (4) ◽  
pp. 175-200
Author(s):  
Olga Bychkova ◽  
Artem Kosmarsky
Keyword(s):  
Social Relations ◽  
Common Good ◽  
New Technologies ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cooperative Action ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
Civic Virtues ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Individual

This paper focuses on the political genealogy of one of the most promising and influential IT technologies of our time: the blockchain (or distributed registry). We point at important commonalities between the principles of blockchain projects and models of republican governance. In contrast to techno-anarchist and democratic ideas, the republican genealogy of blockchain has so far failed to attract the attention of researchers. After examining the basic technical properties and ideological images of blockchain, we explore how the four main principles of classical republicanism (personal freedom and autonomy of the individual; civic virtues; common good; recognition of great causes) are realized in influential blockchain projects — Bitcoin (developed by the pseudonymous Satoshi Nakamoto) and Ethereum (developed by Vitalik Buterin). The functioning of blockchain nodes is supported by a community of miners, who are free, but at the same time agree to act for the development of a common thing. What the republic and the blockchain have in common is that it is impossible to have a community without cooperative action. At the same time, blockchain is a vivid illustration of Bruno Latour's argument on the role of non-humans in social relations: his code seeks to replace untrustworthy humans with rule-acting nodes, and to create a cryptographic society where untrustworthy human relations are replaced by computers' relations. This article is an invitation to begin a discussion of the political ideas that are embedded in new technologies and the models of governance that are mobilized through them, often without proper reflection on the nature of such ideas by their creators.

scholarly journals The Role Of The Principalities Of The Kashkadarya Oasis In The Political History Of The Bukhara Emirate In The XIX-Early XX Centuries

2020 ◽  
Vol 02 (11) ◽  
pp. 79-85
Author(s):  
Akhmadjon Kholikulov ◽  
◽  
Ozodbek Nematovich Nematov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

Information on political relations between the government of the Emirate of Bukhara and the principalities of the Kashkadarya oasis in the early XIX-XX centuries is reflected in the works of local historians and Russian tourists, diplomats, the military. Local historians such as Muhammad Mirolim Bukhari, Muhammad Siddiq, Mirzo Abdulazim Somi, Mushrif Bukhari, Ahmad Donish, Mirzo Salimbek, who lived and worked during this period, were government officials and dedicated their works to the reigns of the Mangit emirs.

scholarly journals Trzy razy res publica: Thomas Smith, Gasparo Contarini i Wawrzyniec Goślicki

2018 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-104
Author(s):  
Iwona Barwicka-Tylek
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
Political System ◽  
The State ◽  
16Th Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Liberal Tradition ◽  
State And Society ◽  
Civic Virtues ◽  
The Republic

The interest in Republican thought is on the increase again, now chiefl y thanks to the works of Quentin Skinner and the circle of so-called neo-Republicans (or civic Republicans) concentrated around Phillip Petit. They stress the peculiar perspective that Republicans have had on the state and society. This is seen in their distinctive view of freedom as the absence of domination, or attachment to the category of citizenship and the related role of civic virtues. These special characteristics justify, in their opinion, distinguishing the Republican trend of political thought (historically and now) from other positions, especially the liberal tradition. Accepting generally the above opinion, the paper draws our attention to signifi - cant differences within Republicanism itself. To do this, it cites the three conceptions of republic that were formed in the 16th century and refer to England (Sir Thomas Smith), Venice (Gasparo Contarini) and Poland (Wawrzyniec Goślicki). Although they were formed around the same time and have common roots mainly in Aristotle’s philosophy and Roman Republican ideas, each of the three perspectives views the republic from a different angle. While all three authors believe the coexistence of three elements – orderly institutions, wise law and virtuous citizens – to be crucial for any state, they rely in their deliberations on one element only. This has an impact on the way their conceptions fi nally appear and on the conclusions for the political system they draw. And so, Smith gives precedence to institutions, Contarini emphasises the key role of law and Goślicki gives primacy to virtue, concentrated in an ideal senator. Taking notice of such differences among thinkers openly admitting to an attachment to the Republican tradition should make us even more careful so as not to oversimplify it as if it were uniform and completely cohesive. Further, the awareness of such differences may provoke refl ection how justifi ed the use of the Republican banner is in respect of so different authors as, for instance, Machiavelli and Montesquieu.

THE POLITICAL FUTURE OF SCOTLAND AND NORTHERN IRELAND. TWO WAYS – ONE CHOICE?

2019 ◽  
pp. 87-98
Author(s):  
M. A. Mosora
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
The Political ◽  
Present Stage ◽  
Distinctive Features ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Current State ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
The Future

The article analyzes the features of the politicization of the Scotland and Northern Ireland at the present stage. The basic identifiers for the com­munities in these regions are revealed. The important role of devolution pol­icy in the political relations of the Center with regions in the United Kingdom is justified. Emphasis is placed on the exceptional importance of Brexit in the context of strengthening the separation of the Scotland and Northern Ireland. It is marked common and distinctive features of both regions in the vision of the political future. The current state of the factors contributing to separatism in both regions is compared. Estimates of the likelihood of increased separa­tion movements in the Scotland and Northern Ireland in the future are given.

“I will Enter the Suitcase and I will not Make a Sound until we Pass the Border…”

2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 113-137
Author(s):  
Özlem Hocaoğlu ◽  
Apak Kerem Altıntop ◽  
Nurcan Özgür Baklacıoğlu
Keyword(s):  
Migrant Children ◽  
Economic Conditions ◽  
Research Center ◽  
The Political ◽  
Migration Policies ◽  
Child Migration ◽  
And Migration ◽  
Migration Experiences ◽  
Economic Transitions

The article elaborates the crossborder experiences and strategies of family divide and unaccompanied childhoods in the context of crossborder migrations and smuggling across Bulgaria-Turkey border between the years of 1990-2001. The authors dig into the longrun impact of smuggling and imposed illegality on the migrant children and the means, manners, strategies and dangers hidden within crossborder cyclical mobility and administrative construction of illegality under the political and economic transitions and turbulence across sending and receiving countries. Left to the forgetfulness of the history unaccompanied child migration experiences between Bulgaria and Turkey contain significant lessons in regard to the role of restrictive and security based visa and migration policies. Our study aims at further investigation and understanding of these experiences via fieldwork containing semistructured interviews with 13 smuggled children and their parents. The article begins with introduction to the political and economic conditions that led to irregularization of child migrations across Bulgaria-Turkey border between 1990-2001. It follows presentation of data collected during the Istanbul University BAP Research Center supported fieldwork and follows elaboration on the memories, experiences and prevailing perceptions of these crossborder experiences by the trafficked children and their parents.The article elaborates the crossborder experiences and strategies of family divide and unaccompanied childhoods in the context of crossborder migrations and smuggling across Bulgaria-Turkey border between the years of 1990-2001. The authors dig into the longrun impact of smuggling and imposed illegality on the migrant children and the means, manners, strategies and dangers hidden within crossborder cyclical mobility and administrative construction of illegality under the political and economic transitions and turbulence across sending and receiving countries. Left to the forgetfulness of the history unaccompanied child migration experiences between Bulgaria and Turkey contain significant lessons in regard to the role of restrictive and security based visa and migration policies. Our study aims at further investigation and under-standing of these experiences via fieldwork containing semi-structured interviews with 13 smuggled children and their parents. The article begins with introduction to the political and economic conditions that led to irregularization of child migrations across Bulgaria-Turkey border between 1990-2001. It follows presentation of data collected during the Istanbul University BAP Research Center supported fieldwork and follows elaboration on the memories, experiences and prevailing perceptions of these crossborder experiences by the trafficked children and their parents.

The New Technopolitics of Development and the Global South as a Laboratory of Technological Experimentation

2017 ◽  
Vol 42 (5) ◽  
pp. 947-968 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Moe Fejerskov
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
Human Life ◽  
Global South ◽  
Development Cooperation ◽  
The Political ◽  
The West ◽  
Gates Foundation ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Contemporary Technology

Science and technology have been integral issues of development cooperation for more than sixty years. Contrary to early efforts’ transfer of established technologies from the West to developing countries, contemporary technology aspirations increasingly articulate and practice the Global South as a live laboratory for technological experimentation. This approach is especially furthered by a group of private foundations and philanthrocapitalists whose endeavors in developing countries are, like their companies, shaped by logics of the individual, the market, and of societal progress through technological innovation and experimentation. This article draws upon critical intellectual thought about the political and social ramifications of technology to reflect on the renascent role of technology in development cooperation. It traces the discourses and practices of philanthrocapitalist organizations, in particular the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, to understand how their experimentalist technology aspirations influence human life and relations in the Global South. This article argues that this newfound focus on technology in development cooperation may challenge the essence of democracy, reduce participation, and have undesirable consequences for populations in the Global South.

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