scholarly journals Inimohvritega revolutsioonisündmused Eesti linnades 1905. aastal

2020 ◽  
Vol 171 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-28
Author(s):  
Lauri Kann
Keyword(s):  
Municipal Government ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
City Council ◽  
City Government ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
The People ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Many Sources ◽  
The Revolution

The Revolution of 1905 had an enormous impact on many nations in the Russian Empire. In order to study the society of the Russian Empire during the Revolution of 1905, many aspects need to be considered. Besides political and social changes, it is also important to study how and why violence occurred during the Revolution. Violence had many sources in the Revolution of 1905 in the Russian Empire. One such source was the revolutionary political parties, whichsaw acts of violence as a means for realising their political agenda. Revolutionary parties formed armed groups, which attacked the authorities and other people. Bombs exploded in many places. Revolutionaries also gave speeches and printed various texts calling upon the masses to engage in violence against the authorities. The authorities also used violence in situations where it was unnecessary for defending themselves or protecting the lives of others. On many occasions, soldiers opened fire on political demonstrations or crowds of strikers. Although the authorities finally managed to supress the Revolution using violence, it is also evident that during the Revolution, the use of violence by the authorities played a role in the radicalisation of the revolutionary movement. It is well known that the shooting of demonstrators in St Petersburg on 9 January 1905 became a catalyst for the Revolution. Later, similar events took place in many parts of the Russian Empire. In many areas of the Empire (Poland, Latvia, etc.), large numbers of people were killed by the authorities and by the people participating in the revolutionary movement. This study reveals that almost all of the people who were killed during the Revolution of 1905 in Estonia died at the hands of the authorities. There were 102 known victims of the Revolution in Estonian towns, and all of them were killed by the authorities. Most of them died on 16 October when soldiers opened fire on a peaceful workers’ demonstration in Tallinn. There was a total of five revolutionary events in Estonian towns where people were killed. Three of them took place in Tallinn, one in Tartu and one in Narva. All five events took place during workers’ strikes. Events in the countryside need to be investigated more thoroughly, but as far as is known, it seems to have been extremely rare for revolutionaries or participants in uprisings to kill anyone in the countryside as well. We know with certainty that only one German landlord (Arthur von Baranoff) was killed in Estonia in 1905. The punitive squads that were sent to Estonia by the authorities in December of 1905 killed hundreds of people. So although the events in the countryside need further research in order to obtain more reliable data, it is clear that most of the victims of the Revolution of 1905 in the countryside were killed by the authorities. It is exceedingly difficult to point out exactly why the revolutionary movement in Estonia was less violent than in many other areas of the Russian Empire. Estonia and Latvia were in a relatively similar political situation, but the Revolution became much more violent in Latvia. This may be due to the fact that the socialist movement was not as widespread in Estonia as it was in Latvia. Socialist organisations in Estonia were also weaker than in Latvia. An event already occurred on 13 January in Riga in which soldiers opened fire on a crowd of people. It is possible that this contributed to the early radicalisation of the revolutionary movement in Latvia. Tallinn’s City Council may also have played an important role in keeping the peace. Estonians had won election to the City Council of Tallinn for the first time in 1904. It is likely that Estonian workers found it easier to communicate with the Tallinn’s municipal government than Riga workers with their local city government that was still dominated by Germans. Tallinn’s municipal government did not position itself against the workers’ movement and in some cases tried to work together with the representatives of the workers. It is possible that this also played an important role in revolutionary events in Tallinn.

ВоспоминаниябританскогожурналистаМ.Ф.Прайсао1917годевРоссии

2019 ◽  
pp. 154-237
Author(s):  
A.A. Sotnikova
Keyword(s):  
Russian Empire ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
European Countries ◽  
British Society ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
The People ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
And Behavior ◽  
The Revolution

Книга известного британского журналиста Моргана Прайса, появившаяся в продаже в Англии в 1921 году, преследовала несколько основных целей. Вопервых, автор рассказал о своей работе в Российской империи во время ее революционного превращения в демократическое общество. Прайс не только высказал свое отношение к революции, ее лидерам и их противникам, но и зафиксировал ход реформ, представив их как постепенно поэтапные и многофункциональные. Вовторых, автор показывает свое сочувствие революции, народу, который после долгих лет рабства высказался за свои права и свободы. Изображая действия простых крепостных, солдат и рабочих, Прайс показывает их, а не их вождей, как творцов революции. Кроме того, Прайс предлагает уникальное портфолио по всем политическим лидерам революционной России, подробно описывая их внешность, манеры и поведение, записав их во время официального выступления. Эта книга сыграла важную роль в формировании отношения британского общества к переменам в России. Это помогло устранить неверие и оценить русскую революцию как типичный ход политических изменений, которые в определенный момент происходили во всех европейских странах. Прайс М. П. мои воспоминания о русской революции. Лондон, 1921 год.Р. 179. Пер. с англ. О.В. Кузнецовой.The book by the wellknown British journalist Morgan Price, which appeared to be sold in England in 1921, had several main goals. First, the author told about his job in the Russian Empire during its revolutionary transformation into a democratic society. Price not only stated his attitude towards the revolution, its leaders and their opponents, but also recorded the course of the reforms, presenting them as gradually staged and multifunctional. Secondly, the author reveals his sympathy to the revolution, the people, who after long years of slavery has spoken up for their rights and freedoms. Depicting the actions of simple serfs, soldiers and workers, Price shows them, not their leaders, as revolution creators. Moreover Price offers a unique portfolio on all the political leaders of the revolutionary Russia, depicting in details their appearance, manners and behavior, having recorded them while officially speaking. This book played an important role in forging the attitude of British society towards the changes in Russia. It helped to eliminate misbeliefs and to estimate the Russian Revolution as a typical course of political changes, which at a certain moment took place in all European countries. Price

THE WORK OF THE ZEMSTVO SELF-GOVERNMENT ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF HEALTH CARE IN THE ТAURIDE PROVINCE IN THE FIRST DECADE OF ZEMSTVO ACTIVITY (1866-1875)

2021 ◽  
pp. 74-81
Author(s):  
Kirill G. Morgunov
Keyword(s):  
Medical Science ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Economic Issues ◽  
Social Sphere ◽  
The Third ◽  
Regional Features ◽  
The People ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Russian Empire

During the period of liberal reforms of Emperor Alexander II in Russia in 1864, the zemstvo reform began, which was a continuation of the peasant reform of 1861. Zemstvo institutions were introduced in the country, in the Tauride province they appear two years later - in 1866, zemstvo institutions were in charge of local social and economic issues. One of the important issues that fell on the shoulders of the zemstvos was the issue of the development of medicine. Taking care of the people's health was not one of the mandatory zemstvo duties, but the growth of infectious diseases and the high mortality rate largely prompted the zemstvo authorities to promote the development of medical affairs. The work of the zemstvo bodies was especially difficult at the very beginning of the formation of zemstvo medicine, when the zemstvos had to raise to a new level everything that they had inherited in 1866. The first decade of zemstvo activity for the development of medical science is the subject of this study. The article deals with the regional features of the districts of the Tauride province and their importance in the development of public health in the region. The relevance and novelty of the study is added by the reflection of the influence of the social composition of the county zemstvo vowels on the modernization of the social sphere of the province. In conclusion, information is provided on the results achieved by local self-government bodies by the end of the third zemstvo triennial in relation to 1866. The results of the research provide information on the state of medical affairs of the Tauride province in 1875 in relation to the rest of the zemstvo provinces of the Russian Empire.

Military Subversion in the Chinese Revolution of 1911

1975 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edmund S. K. Fung
Keyword(s):  
Vital Role ◽  
Military Power ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
Chinese Revolution ◽  
Physical Strength ◽  
The People ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
Opening Phase ◽  
The Revolution

One interesting aspect of the Revolution of 1911 in China was the role of the new-style army. The new-style troops, as one category of revolutionary activists distinct from the civilian radical intellectuals, determined the opening phase of the revolution, initiating the Wuchang uprising and bringing pressure to bear on most of the provincial leaders. Their contribution was the physical strength which the revolutionary intellectuals, who provided the ideology, lacked. The army played its vital role, not in the beginning of the revolutionary movement, but at a later stage when the prevailing order had been discredited and the imperial government had lost the allegiance of the people. Indeed, the success of the revolution reflected the interaction between revolutionary ideas and military power.

The Revolution of 1905 in the Baltic Provinces and Finland

Slavic Review ◽  
1984 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 453-467 ◽  
Author(s):  
Toivo U. Raun
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Ethnic Diversity ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Comparative Perspective ◽  
Comparative Case Study ◽  
Land Area ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Baltic ◽  
The Revolution

Historical studies of the Russian empire in upheaval in the first two decades of the twentieth century have tended to be animated by a narrow centralist bias or an equally narrow regional one. Although it is clear that the primary impulse for revolutionary situations in 1905 and 1917 resulted from events in St. Petersburg/Petrograd, a Russocentric approach to a society that was less than 50 percent Russian is surely inadequate. At the same time, studies of individual minority nationalities, however thorough, tend to view these groups in isolation. A comparative perspective, which could identify broader uniformities as well as local peculiarities, is usually lacking. In this article I shall present a synthesizing and comparative overview of the Revolution of 1905 in the Baltic Provinces and Finland. Although these areas constituted only 2 percent of the land area of the Russian empire and had less than 4 percent of its population in 1905,2 they were among the most modernized in the country, and their ethnic diversity and differing histories provide abundant material for a comparative case study.

Gramsci, the Via Italiana, and the Classical Marxist‐Leninist Approach to Revolution

1979 ◽  
Vol 14 (01) ◽  
pp. 66-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph V. Femia
Keyword(s):  
Western Europe ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Antonio Gramsci ◽  
Marxist Approach ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Advanced Capitalist ◽  
The Revolution

IT IS NOW COMMON (AND QUITE CORRECT) TO PRAISE ANTONIO Gramsci as the first Marxist theorist to understand that the revolution in Western Europe must deviate sharply from the strategic path taken by the Bolsheviks in Russia. With characteristic disdain for old and rigid formulae, he pointed to the crucial differences between advanced capitalist countries and the Russian Empire of 1917, and he attempted in his prison notebooks (Quaderni) to develop criteria of orientation and action appropriate to modern circumstances. What he offered was a new What is to be done? for the developed West, a fundamental reassessment and revision of the accepted Marxist approach to revolution. The nature of this enterprise has prompted many – critics and admirers alike – to lay emphasis on the tie between Gramsci and Togliatti-ism. Gramsci put forward ideas, it is claimed, whose logic is manifest in the ‘Italian (read “constitutional”, “parliamentary”, “democratic”, “pacific”) road to socialism’. It is now casually assumed in many circles that he was the ideological progenitor of what has come to be known as Eurocommunism, the increasingly influential body of doctrines that purports to marry liberalism and Marxism. In the following pages, this assumption, and other related ones, will be closely examined and evaluated.

The Commission Plan of City Government

1911 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-56
Author(s):  
Oswald Ryan
Keyword(s):  
New England ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
Municipal Government ◽  
City Government ◽  
General Tendency ◽  
State Governments ◽  
The People ◽  
Town Meeting ◽  
New Period ◽  
Widespread Belief

To appreciate the real significance in municipal affairs of the lately inaugurated movement toward city government by commission some knowledge of the general trend of American municipal development is necessary; for it is as a phase of a general tendency and not as an isolated experiment that the movement is to be properly regarded. Like most of our institutions, our city government, both in form and substance, was transplanted from England to the colonies, where it underwent the usual differentiation under the influence of changed conditions. This differentiation, however, did not proceed to any marked degree during the colonial period, and at the beginning of the national era the general form of municipal government, with the exception of the New England town-meeting system, was that of the English borough. Then began a new period, during which the influence of the federal and state governments dominated the organic development of the municipalities. That the “federal analogy” should have thus become the controlling factor in this development was due partly to a widespread belief in the efficacy of the governmental principles which it involved, and partly to a misconception of the functions of the municipality. A cardinal feature of the federal plan was Montesquieu's principle of the separation of powers, having for its object to safeguard the interests of the people against the arbitrary and ill-advised acts of public officers.

scholarly journals The Revolution of 1905 in Częstochowa – based on the memories of Bronisława Zejden

2021 ◽  
pp. 209-224
Author(s):  
Karolina Studnicka-Mariańczyk ◽  
Bartłomiej Frukacz
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Metropolitan Areas ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Factors ◽  
Working Classes ◽  
Imperial Russia ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Revolution

The revolution of 1905 eludes simplistic and schematic interpretations. The event engulfed the Russian Empire and it spread to the territory of the Kingdom of Poland. The revolution had a complex background, but the rising discontent of the working classes and peasants played a crucial role. Political factors and opposition against Russian absolutism were equally pivotal. In the Kingdom of Poland, left-wing revolutionary forces’ attempts to regain national independence and sovereignty strongly contributed to the insurgency. The most significant acts of rebellion took place in the major Russian cities and the Vistula Country that had been incorporated into Imperial Russia. The key metropolitan areas at the beginning of the 20th century were St. Petersburg, Warsaw, Riga, Łódź as well as Częstochowa. The revolution of 1905 attracts considerable interest and stirs much controversy among contemporary historians. The events surrounding the revolution have been well documented by the existing research into worker movements and the history of political parties. However, not all sources have been identified and published, which creates new opportunities for expanding the existing knowledge. One of such undiscovered sources is a short diary of Bronisława Barc (née Zejden) who participated in the strikes in Częstochowa.

scholarly journals Artistic Alliances and Revolutionary Rivalries in the Baltic Art World, 1890–1914

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-72
Author(s):  
Bart Pushaw
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Art World ◽  
Cultural Autonomy ◽  
Before And After ◽  
Common Interests ◽  
German Minority ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Baltic ◽  
The Revolution

In the areas now known as Estonia and Latvia, art remained a field for the Baltic German minority throughout the nineteenth century. When ethnic Estonian and Latvian artists gained prominence in the late 1890s, their presence threatened Baltic German hegemony over the region’s culture. In 1905, revolution in the Russian Empire spilled over into the Baltic Provinces, sparking widespread anti-German violence. The revolution also galvanized Latvian and Estonian artists towards greater cultural autonomy and independence from Baltic German artistic institutions. This article argues that the situation for artists before and after the 1905 revolution was not simply divisive along ethnic lines, as some nationalist historians have suggested. Instead, this paper examines how Baltic German, Estonian and Latvian artists oscillated between common interests, inspiring rivalries, and politicized conflicts, questioning the legitimacy of art as a universalizing language in multicultural societies.

scholarly journals В. Н. Татищев и вопросы улучшения экономического положения калмыцкого народа

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (5) ◽  
pp. 910-918
Author(s):  
Maksim M. Batmaev ◽  
◽  
Pyotr M. Koltsov ◽  
Savr M. Murgaev ◽  
Semyon A. Umgaev
Keyword(s):  
Social Economic ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Economic Situation ◽  
Private Communication ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The Russian Empire

Introduction. This article is devoted to the activities of Vasily Nikitich Tatishchev, when Astrakhan governor (1741–1745) responsible for the affairs of the Kalmyk steppes. It is aimed to examine his projects designed to amend the impoverishment of the broad masses of Kalmyks often left without their livestock, even without horses. The question was raised by Tatishchev himself; the governor was worried about its political implications because Kalmyks without horses were of no use for the Russian Empire. Materials and methods. The article is based on archival materials, as well as the historiography that sheds light on Tatishchev as the statesman and politician. Results. The governor repeatedly discussed the issues of the worsened social-economic situation of the people with the Kalmyk namestnik (leader) Donduk Dashi, both on official occasions and in private communication. He had various explanations for their economical degradation, pointing out the difference in the nomads’ situation of the 1840s as compared with that in Khan Ayuka’s time. His involvement in the issues concerning fishing and seasonal work of the impoverished Kalmyks shows that the governor seemed to be interested in helping them, but his projects to improve the Kalmyks’ socio-economic situation were largely unsuccessful. The reasons for the failure may be found both in the resistance of the Kalmyk rulers and zaisangs and the general weaknesses of the administration when dealing with the steppe affairs.

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