scholarly journals Portuguese and Greek Experiences with Guaranteed Minimum Income (GMI) in Comparative Perspective

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 27
Author(s):  
Varvara Lalioti

Portugal and Greece have divergent histories with regard to Guaranteed Minimum Income (GMI), arguably the principal difference in the two countries’ evolutions of social assistance in recent decades. Neither had a GMI when EEC common criteria on sufficient resources and social assistance were issued in 1992. Portugal introduced a pilot programme in 1996 that went operational in 1997. Greece is among only a few European countries never to experiment with GMI. Only recently (in 2012) was a decision reached to launch a pilot GMI scheme, with implementation still forthcoming.An account for the different Portuguese and Greek GMI experiences emphasizes the importance of actors such as political parties and trade unions. This actor-centred approach argues that the Portuguese GMI success is attributable to a coalition among key domestic policy actors, while ambivalent and fragmented attitudes among Greek policy actors hindered institution. The recent decision for a GMI pilot in Greece should be viewed as a product of the severe economic crisis and state debt obligations that leave little space for ambivalence. 

POPULATION ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 106-121
Author(s):  
Vyacheslav Bobkov

The article deals with the theoretical, methodical and practical principles of forming a new model of targeted social support of low-income families with children on the basis of guaranteed minimum income. Approbation of the new approaches to targeted social support of low-income families with children was implemented in Vologda oblast. The target representative sample was 70 families. It has been found out that after the targeted social support under the current legislation (lump-sum payments excluded), basic income in these families averaged 35.3 per cent of the differentiated equivalent subsistence minimum, thus being evidence of the inefficient state social assistance. The author has substantiated introducing additional monthly targeted social payments to parents besides the set regular payments (additional family poverty benefit) that will enable families to improve their economic sustainability. He substantiated a number of threshold values of the guaranteed minimum income that would ensure current consumption ranging from the cost food basket up to the size of the differentiated equivalent living standards of families, depending on the financial capacity of the regional budget. The guaranteed minimum income of low-income families with children averaged 54.6 per cent of the regional differentiated equivalent subsistence minimum. There have been developed methodical recommendations for identifying untapped socio-economic potential of families as a source of raising income from employment, as well as criteria for removal of families from the recipients of targeted social assistance in the form of cash benefits. Proposals on correcting the current legislation on the state social support have been formulated.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-127
Author(s):  
Eusebi Colàs-Neila ◽  
Josep Fargas

Trade unions have developed a very important role guaranteeing minimum incomes through collective bargaining. However, after the last Great Recession and austerity policies imposed by the Troika on many countries, among which Spain, the traditional mechanism of fixing minimum wages has become less effective on many occasions. Nonetheless, it has been argued that trade unions are following various new paths in order to guarantee minimum wages, both in Spain and in comparative labour law, and these share several common trends. This paper aims to analyse these paths and which convergences in trade union practices and strategies can be detected in this field. Los sindicatos han desarrollado un papel muy importante en garantizar ingresos mínimos a través de la negociación colectiva. No obstante, tras la gran recesión y las políticas de austeridad impuestas por la Troika a muchos países, entre ellos España, el mecanismo tradicional de fijación de salarios mínimos ha sido menos eficaz en muchas ocasiones. A pesar de ello, se sostiene que los sindicatos están siguiendo diversos nuevos caminos para garantizar ingresos mínimos, tanto en España como en el derecho del trabajo comparado, que comparten muchas tendencias comunes. Este artículo se centra en analizar esas vías y las convergencias en las prácticas y estrategias de los sindicatos en este terreno.


Author(s):  
Varvara Lalioti ◽  
Christos Koutsampelas

Abstract This exploratory paper utilises a comparative research approach to shed light upon the developmental trajectories of the Greek and Cypriot guaranteed minimum income (GMI) schemes. Our analysis indicates that, despite similarities (e.g. in the emergence of the two schemes, as part of the extensive reforms imposed during the financial crisis on the Greek and Cypriot welfare systems), there are also significant differences. These mainly relate to implementation and, ultimately, the “success” of the two schemes in attaining their declared goals. Moreover, we argue that the developmental paths followed by the Greek and Cypriot GMI schemes should be interpreted in the light of key variables (“functionalist,” “political” and “institutional”), often used to explain the establishment and further evolution of such schemes. Within this context, the relatively “superior” performance of the Cypriot GMI, compared with the Greek scheme, is largely attributed to factors such as government effectiveness and political stability.


1998 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 475-505 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Ertman

Almost none of the conditions that, according to the latest research, favor democratic durability were present in Western Europe between the world wars. Yet only four Western European states became dictatorships during this period, whereas the others remained democratic despite economic crisis, an unhelpful international system, and the lure of nondemocratic alternatives. Several recent works offer new explanations for this pattern of interwar outcomes. Insofar as these works analyze the entire universe of Western European cases, they represent an important methodological advance. However, they remain too wedded to a class-coalitional framework to provide both a parsimonious and a historically accurate account of why democracy collapsed in some states but not in others. This article proposes an alternative explanatory framework that focuses on how political parties can shape association life in such a way as to support or undermine democracy.


1986 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 455-488 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kazimierz Poznański

Postwar Poland has experienced relatively great economic instability and recurring political upheavals, at least by East European standards. Recent dramatic developments include a severe economic crisis following an extended period of spectacular growth. The collapse of the once popular leadership of Edward Gierek, the creation of the first independent trade unions under a communist regime, and the replacement of party with military rule bear witness to the severity of Poland's political disruptions. Have economic or political factors caused the economic crisis? Which are the critical factors? Escalating internal political tensions and enormous external political pressures have caused Poland's current economic collapse, preventing the successful implementation of adjustment policies. The underlying sources of these political forces–namely, worker disillusionment with communist practices and confrontational relations between the superpowers–have not eased to date; the current malaise is likely to continue for some time.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jussi Tervola ◽  
Merita Jokela ◽  
Joonas Ollonqvist

The sizes of minimum income schemes vary significantly even in welfare states that are considered similar. For example among Nordic countries, the share of recipients is almost double in Finland compared to Nordic peers. Considering the strong political will to diminish the receipt of last-resort benefits, we demonstrate a methodological framework to evaluate the reasons for varying number of beneficiaries and apply it to two Nordic countries, Finland and Sweden. By using microsimulation of eligibility rates, we examine the role of social assistance legislation, first-tier benefits and non-take-up. Relatively high number of beneficiaries in Finland is traced back to social assistance policies such as higher norm levels and earning disregard but also to lower non-take-up rate of social assistance benefits, which potentially reflects looser discretion and asset test. We also find some, albeit weak, evidence that the implementation reform of social assistance in Finland 2017 has further reduced non-take-up.


2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 566-583
Author(s):  
Eduardo Matarazzo Suplicy ◽  
Mônica Dallari

ABSTRACT Brazil is the first national in the world to approve a law to institute, step by step, a Citizen’s Basic Income. In 1991, I presented a Guaranteed Minimum Income proposal. More and more in the world, there is growing interest and experiences. Among them, in Kenia. The results of paying a Universal Basic Income to all adults with 18 years or more in rural villages are very positive. Maricá (RJ) has started to pay 33 dollars per month to one third of the population last August. By 2021, the Universal Basic Income (UBI) will be paid to all inhabitants.


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