scholarly journals Συλλογικές διαπραγματεύσεις και κοινωνικός διάλογος στη Γαλλία: σύγχρονες εξελίξεις, νέα ζητήματα

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Annette Jobert

Recently, changes in the processes of social bargaining and social dialogue, such as the decentralization of bargaining, the emergence of new issues and actors, challenge the approaches undertaken thus far for their study. Current analysis focus on the processes of decision making and the methods of state operation using the most recent approaches in political science. Notions such as “political exchange”, “governance” and “cognitive action framework” are being used more frequently than ever as analytical tools for industrial relations research. The paper examines two examples of these new trends; working time which constitutes an important issue within the French bargaining agenda and territorial social dialogue, where public actors are also involved, though indirectly.

2021 ◽  
pp. 095968012110183
Author(s):  
Igor Guardiancich ◽  
Oscar Molina

We explore the factors behind the long-term erosion of National Social Dialogue Institutions (NSDIs) to provide insights about the conditions for their revitalization. By applying policy analysis insights into the industrial relations field, we argue that limited policy effectiveness goes a long way towards explaining the erosion experienced by many NSDIs worldwide in recent years. Drawing on a global survey and on case studies of NSDIs in Brazil, Italy and South Korea, we show that these institutions’ policy effectiveness crucially depends on combinations of their problem-solving capacity, an encompassing mandate to deal with relevant socioeconomic issues and an enabling environment that grants the inclusion of social dialogue into decision making. With regard to rekindling their role, the article provides substantial evidence that two sub-dimensions of effectiveness are key: enjoying political support and having an ‘effective mandate’ as opposed to relying on just a formal remit to deal with socioeconomic issues of interest.


2003 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-7 ◽  
Author(s):  
Valeria Pulignano

This paper argues that the Berlusconi government is seeking to replace the ‘social concertation’ arrangement between government and trade unions with ‘social dialogue’ in an effort to undermine trade union ‘power’. This endeavour by the government to impose a policy of ‘social dialogue’ would severely limit trade unions' influence in economic and social policy decision-making and leave Berlusconi free to introduce reforms favouring his friends in employer organisations. One likely outcome would be the deregulation of the Italian labour market strongly damaging workers' rights.


2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Euwema ◽  
Patricia Elgoibar ◽  
Ana Belen Garcia ◽  
Aurelien Colson ◽  
Patricia Elgoibar ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Ifeanyi P. Onyeonoru ◽  
Kehinde Kester

Social dialogue as an aspect of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) is aimed at promoting industrial democracy by encouraging consensus building among social partners in the work place. The significance lies, among others, in minimising conflicts to enable harmonious industrial relations. This study utilized specific case illustrations to examine the inclination of the Nigerian government towards social dialogue in government-labour relations, with particular reference to the Obasanjo era 1999-2007— a period associated with the globalization of democracy. The cases included the minimum wage award 2000, University Autonomy Bill, the price deregulation of the downstream oil sector and the Trade Union Amendment Bill 2004. It was found that the government exhibited a penchant for authoritarianism in spite of the globalization of democracy. This was evident in the incapacity of the Obasanjo government to engage the social partners in social dialogue as indicated by the cases reviewed. The study, however, highlighted the modest contribution to social dialogue made by the wider democratic structure. It was concluded that the government had limited capacity for consensus building, accommodation of opposition and negotiated outcomes in government-labour relations


Author(s):  
S. Raza Wasi ◽  
J. Darren Bender

An interesting, potentially useful, and fully replicable application of a spatially enabled decision model is presented for pipeline route optimization. This paper models the pipeline route optimization problem as a function of engineering and environmental design criteria. The engineering requirements mostly deal with capital, operational and maintenance costs, whereas environmental considerations ensure preservation of nature, natural resources and social integration. Typically, pipelines are routed in straight lines, to the extent possible, to minimize the capital construction costs. In contrast, longer pipelines and relatively higher costs may occur when environmental and social considerations are part of the design criteria. Similarly, much longer pipelines are less attractive in terms of capital costs and the environmental hazard associated with longer construction area. The pipeline route optimization problem is potentially a complex decision that is most often undertaken in an unstructured, qualitative fashion based on human experience and judgement. However, quantitative methods such as spatial analytical techniques, particularly the least-cost path algorithms, have greatly facilitated automation of the pipeline routing process. In the past several interesting studies have been conducted using quantitative spatial analytical tools for finding the best pipeline route or using non-spatial decision making tools to evaluate several alternates derived through conventional route reconnaissance methods. Most of these studies (that the authors are familiar with) have concentrated on integrating multiple sources of spatial data and performing quantitative least-cost path analysis or have attempted to make use of non-spatial decision making tools to select the best route. In this paper, the authors present a new framework that incorporates quantitative spatial analytical tools with an Analytical Hierarchical Process (AHP) model to provide a loosely integrated but efficient spatial Decision Support System (DSS). Specifically, the goal is to introduce a fully replicable spatial DSS that processes both quantitative and qualitative information, balances between lowest-cost and lowest-impact routes. The model presented in this paper is implemented in a four step process: first, integration of multiple source data that provide basis for engineering and environmental design criteria; second, creation of several alternate routes; third, building a comprehensive decision matrix using spatial analysis techniques; and fourth, testing the alternative and opinions of the stakeholder groups on imperatives of AHP model to simplify the route optimization decision. The final output of the model is then used to carry out sensitivity analysis, quantify the risk, generate “several what and if scenarios” and test stability of the route optimization decision.


ILR Review ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Virginia Doellgast ◽  
Peter Berg

This study examines how different participation rights and structures affect employee control over working time. The analysis is based on a comparison of matched call center and technician workplaces in two major telecommunications firms in Germany and Denmark. It draws on data from semi-structured interviews with managers, supervisors, and employee representatives between 2010 and 2016. Unions and works councils in both firms agreed to a series of concessions on working time policies in the early 2010s in exchange for agreements to halt or reverse outsourcing. The authors use Lukes’ concepts of decision-making and agenda-setting power to explain these common trends, as well as later divergence in outcomes. Germany’s stronger formal co-determination rights over working time proved a critical power resource for employee representatives as they sought to re-establish employee control in new, more flexible working time models.


2017 ◽  

Politics is about conflict, struggle, decision-making, power and influence. But not every conflict and not every situation in which power is exercised is widely regarded as politics. A football coach who decides to leave a player on the bench because he has given him a bit of lip, is exerting power, and there is conflict here, too. However, few people would consider this a political issue. The same applies to a mother who quarrels with her adolescent daughter about going to a house party, a schoolteacher who gives a student detention, and so on. But if we were to limit our understanding of politics to official decisions that are taken by governments, in parliaments or on municipal councils, we would fail to recognise the political meaning of trade unions, lobbyists, protest groups, corporations and other more-or-less organised groups that influence collective decision-making.


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