Responding to the COVID-19 pandemic: How municipal government performance affects electoral accountability in Mexico

Author(s):  
John Marshall
2018 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-45
Author(s):  
Einion Dafydd ◽  
Sanja Badanjak

Abstract This study explores electoral accountability at the devolved level in Wales. The retrospective voting model assumes that electoral accountability requires that citizens assign responsibility accurately and vote on the basis of their evaluation of government performance. Drawing on data from the 2016 Welsh Election Study, we examine whether citizens in Wales can identify devolved policy competences and office holders, and identify factors that are linked to accurate attributions. We then examine whether voters seek to use devolved elections as a sanctioning tool, even if they do not have the information required to do so accurately. The findings indicate that there is an acute accountability deficit at the devolved level in Wales: few have the knowledge or the inclination to hold those in power to account. The conclusion discusses the implications of these findings for democracy in Wales and in other multi-level settings.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew T. Little ◽  
Keith Schnakenberg ◽  
Ian R Turner

Does motivated reasoning harm democratic accountability? Substantial evidence from political behavior research indicates that voters have "directional motives" beyond accuracy, which is often taken as evidence that they are ill-equipped to hold politicians accountable. We develop a model of electoral accountability with voters as motivated reasoners. Directional motives have two effects: (1) divergence -- voters with different preferences hold different beliefs, and (2) desensitization -- the relationship between incumbent performance and voter beliefs is weakened. While motivated reasoning does harm accountability, this is generally driven by desensitized voters rather than polarized partisans with politically motivated divergent beliefs. We also analyze the relationship between government performance and vote shares, showing that while motivated reasoning always weakens this relationship we cannot infer that accountability is also harmed. Finally, we show that our model can be mapped to standard models in which voters are fully Bayesian but have difference preferences or information.


1995 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-221 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gary E. Roberts

This article presents the results of a national survey of municipal government performance appraisal system practices based upon the responses of 240 personnel professionals. The survey focuses on appraisal system structure, the link between performance and personnel decision making, perceived user acceptance, and observations on the effectiveness of the appraisal system. The results indicate that most performance appraisal systems are designed in accordance with the literature. However, the administration of these systems is more problematic. Most systems are perceived to be somewhat effective in terms of the process of appraisal and the affects on motivation and productivity.


Author(s):  
ANDREW T. LITTLE ◽  
KEITH E. SCHNAKENBERG ◽  
IAN R. TURNER

Does motivated reasoning harm democratic accountability? Substantial evidence from political behavior research indicates that voters have “directional motives” beyond accuracy, which is often taken as evidence that they are ill equipped to hold politicians accountable. We develop a model of electoral accountability with voters as motivated reasoners. Directional motives have two effects: (1) divergence—voters with different preferences hold different beliefs, and (2) desensitization—the relationship between incumbent performance and voter beliefs is weakened. While motivated reasoning does harm accountability, this is generally driven by desensitized voters rather than polarized partisans with politically motivated divergent beliefs. We also analyze the relationship between government performance and vote shares, showing that while motivated reasoning always weakens this relationship, we cannot infer that accountability is also harmed. Finally, we show that our model can be mapped to standard models in which voters are fully Bayesian but have different preferences or information.


2015 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 299-322
Author(s):  
Yang Zhong ◽  
Yongguo Chen ◽  
Fei Feng ◽  
Kuiming Wang

Urban China always plays important political role in contemporary Chinese history. Urban residents, especially in provincial capital cities, are better educated and live in political, economic and social centers in China. Their support is indispensable for the current government in China. Utilizing a large-scale survey data this study explores sources of subjective evaluation of local municipal government policy performance among Chinese urban residents in ten large Chinese cities. Descriptively, this study finds moderate satisfaction with city government performance among Chinese urbanites, which seems to lend support to Chinese government’s performance-based political legitimacy and explains relative political stability in China. Analytically, it is found that, while perceived public participation in municipal policy-making process, perceived government transparency, and personal life satisfaction increase Chinese urban residents’ positive evaluation of government performance, perceived official corruption, democratic orientation and level of political interest lead to negative evaluation of government performance among Chinese urbanites.


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