scholarly journals Media Bias in China

2018 ◽  
Vol 108 (9) ◽  
pp. 2442-2476 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bei Qin ◽  
David Strömberg ◽  
Yanhui Wu

This paper examines whether and how market competition affected the political bias of government-owned newspapers in China from 1981 to 2011. We measure media bias based on coverage of government mouthpiece content ( propaganda) relative to commercial content. We first find that a reform that forced newspaper exits (reduced competition) affected media bias by increasing product specialization, with some papers focusing on propaganda and others on commercial content. Second, lower-level governments produce less-biased content and launch commercial newspapers earlier, eroding higher-level governments’ political goals. Third, bottom-up competition intensifies the politico-economic trade-off, leading to product proliferation and less audience exposure to propaganda. (JEL D72, L31, L82, O14, O17, P26, P31)

2008 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Marsha Barber

Abstract: This research article addresses the issue of media bias as it played out on Canada’s three major television networks during coverage of the 2006 federal election. The data suggest that in spite of critics’ concerns that networks exhibit political bias, this was not evident. However, a more subtle and systemic bias was apparent. Front-runners (i.e., parties that polls indicated would do well) received substantially more coverage than other parties. Conversely, parties that were perceived as being less successful received less coverage than political front-runners. In addition, reports about front-runners were placed higher in the lineup. These empirical findings should be of interest to critics on both the right and left of the political spectrum who are concerned about the gatekeeping and agenda-setting functions of the media.Résumé : Cet article de recherche adresse la question de partis pris dans les médias lors de la couverture des élections fédérales de 2006 effectuée par les trois chaînes canadiennes principales. Les données obtenues indiquent que, malgré ce que pensent certains critiques, il n’est pas évident que ces chaînes avaient des penchants politiques particuliers. Cependant, un penchant systémique plus subtil est apparent. En effet, les favoris (c’est-à-dire les partis qui selon les sondages allaient réussir le mieux) ont reçu une couverture plus approfondie que les autres partis. En revanche, les partis perçus comme étant moins en avance ont reçu une couverture moindre. Par surcroît, les reportages sur les favoris passaient sur les ondes avant les autres. Ces données empiriques devraient intéresser les critiques tant de droite que de gauche qui se soucient des fonctions d’agenda et de garde barrière des médias. 


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-82
Author(s):  
Amer Dahamshe

This article compares Palestinian (Arabic) and Israeli (Hebrew) names of natural features in Palestine/Israel. Based on postcolonial reading and critical toponymy, I argue that despite the dominance of the Jewish nationalist narrative the nomenclature includes ‘intermediate categories’ that attest to subversive linguistic practices, bottom-up communication aspects, and sociocultural realities. These aspects are analysed through five main categories: unification; uniqueness; male rhetoric replacing female identity; sanitization; and linguistic imitation. The article adds to the literature largely focused on the political aspect of the Jewish settlement names that replaced Palestinian names in that it shows how Zionist naming of natural features included the cultural perspectives of the Palestinian names in order to appropriate them for internal Jewish cultural needs.


2017 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 262-275 ◽  
Author(s):  
Niels Mejlgaard

It is a distinctive feature of European science policy that science is expected to meet economic and broader societal objectives simultaneously. Science should be governed democratically and take significant responsibilities towards the economy, the political system and civil society, but the coherency of these multiple claims is underexplored. Using metrics that emerge from both quantitative and qualitative studies, we examine the interrelatedness of different responsibilities at the level of countries. A total of 33 European Union member states and associated countries are included in the analysis. We find no trade-off between economic and broader societal contributions. Europe is, however, characterised by major divisions in terms of the location of science in society. There is a significant East–West divide, and Europe appears to be far from accomplishing an integrated European Research Area.


2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 148-160
Author(s):  
Andrei Harbatski ◽  

In the article an idea is conducted that practice of education goes away the roots to the deep layers of human civilization. The author of the article concentrated the attention on the analysis of work of Socrates and Aristotle. It is shown that Socrates first began consciously to use the bottom- up reasoning and give general determinations, work on concepts. On the initial stage of educating Socrates induced students the system of questions to find truth, that in modern pedagogical anthropology is one of main tasks in education. By means of the skilfully put questions Socrates tricked into a student to confession of those positions that are true. The author of the article pays attention to that Socrates used the new for that time methods of educating constantly, for example, conversation, unlike sophists that preferred to the lecture. The feature of conversations of Socrates consisted in that the simplest vital cases came into question at first, but after themes became complicated. Comparisons, metaphors, turns, satire, were thus used, that facilitated perception of sense of conversation to the students. In the article the analysis of anthropological and pedagogical ideas is given in labours of Aristotle. It is shown that Aristotle studying a man, his " nature" and " essence", did not stop thereon, and set by the question of improvement of human family by means of education. Aristotle considered that education must be under control the state, and nobody can doubt in that a legislator must belong with exceptional attention to education of young people, as in the states, where small attention is spared the questions of education, the political system suffers from it.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 37-58
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Dojwa-Turczyńska

Problematyka kreacji instytucjonalnych elit władzy jest zagadnieniem, które absorbowało i nadal absorbuje przedstawicieli nauk społecznych. Procesy rekrutacji i selekcji, zdobywania poparcia społecznego i oddolnej legitymacji zdają się interesować nie tylko świat ludzi nauki, praktyków sfery politycznej, lecz także obywateli — wyborców. W niniejszym artykule podjęto próbę udzielenia odpowiedzi na pytania dotyczące udziału radnych sejmików województw wybranych w 2014 r. w wyborach parlamentarnych kolejnego roku. Zastanawiano się nad kwestią samej skali aktywności radnych, problemami ich związania lub nie z poszczególnym blokiem politycznym i z określonym terytorium, wreszcie analizie poddano zmiany dotyczące uzyskanego przez nich poparcia wyborczego. “Winners” and “losers.” Analysis of changes in the support received by provincial assembly councillors running for parliamentThe issues of the creation of institutional elites of the authorities constitute a problem that absorbs representatives of social sciences to this day. The processes of recruitment and selection, gaining social support and bottom-up legitimization seem to absorb not only the world of academics and practitioners of the political sphere but also citizens-electors. In this paper, an attempt has been made to give answers to questions concerning the participation of provincial assembly councillors elected in 2014 in the parliamentary elections held the following year. The issue of the scale of councillors’ activity, problems of their connection or its lack with a specific political bloc and specific territory have been considered, while the rest of the analysis refers to changes regarding the electoral support they gained.


Author(s):  
Edward Comor

Harold Innis is one of the foundational theorists of media and communications studies. In the mid-20th century, he developed his concept of media bias (also called the bias of communication). It remains Innis’s most cited concept, but it is also significantly misunderstood. For example, since his death in 1952, bias has often been applied in ways that are akin to a form of technological or media determinism. This has been an ongoing problem despite the fact that Innis developed his concept as a means of compelling analysts to reject such mechanistic formulations. Indeed, his goal was to promote more self-reflective modes of scholarship and, by extension, a recognition that such intellectual capacities—which he believed were essential for civilization’s survival—would be lost if they were not recognized and defended. More generally, Innis contextualized his work regarding media bias in terms of interrelated historical conditions involving political economic dynamics. Through his application of the concept to over 4000 years of history, he sought to provide his contemporaries with the reflective perspective needed to comprehend the underpinnings of modern biases that stressed present-mindedness and spatial control to the neglect of creativity and duration. Bias was derived from Innis’s studies on Canadian economic development involving the exploitation of its resources (an approach to history called the staples thesis). Several of the insights he garnered in those studies need to be recognized if we are to fully understand his subsequent communications research. Also, tracing the origins of his concept of bias enables us to fully assess the nature of Innis’s supposed media determinism. Typical uses of bias today focus on the spatial or temporal orientations that many assume are compelled through the use of a specific medium or set of media technologies. This misreading, inspired mainly by Marshall McLuhan’s representations of Innis, has led to assumptions regarding Innis’s determinism and a general neglect of the complexity of his original work. To repeat, Innis developed bias in order to redress the mechanistic and unreflective thinking of his day and always conceptualized it in terms of factors that are salient to the place and time being examined. Moreover, he applied bias alongside now largely forgotten concepts ranging from unused capacity to classic power–knowledge dialectics. Lastly, he situated the development and implications of a particular medium in relation to both old and new media (not just technologies, but organizations and institutions also). In sum, to comprehend Innis’s concept of bias, its intellectual and political underpinnings need to be acknowledged, the political economic dynamics of its development and application understood, and the implications of McLuhan’s influence recognized.


2020 ◽  
pp. 001139212094892
Author(s):  
Abdellali Hajjat

The aim of this article is to study the French academic controversy related to Islamophobia. It raises the general question of the autonomy of social sciences in relation to the political-media field and the capacity of researchers to be reflexive and to distance themselves from the mainstream Islamophobic discourse. Drawing on the publications produced by French academics about Islamophobia, the article first analyses the space of controversy, showing that it does not take place in the central social science journals but on their periphery, or even outside the academic field. It then focuses attention on the logic of avoiding the (rare) French accounts on Islamophobia, which not only results in a timid academic disputatio but also in a disqualification of the concept of Islamophobia that mobilizes arguments similar to political-media discourses. The tension between factual judgement and value judgement is also analysed, highlighting how researchers working on Islamophobia are charged with a lack of scientific rigour and the unacknowledged political bias of the deniers. Finally, the article highlights the instrumentalization of the reference to Pierre Bourdieu by the deniers of Islamophobia. Thus, the forms of the French academic controversy on Islamophobia are indicative of the denial of Islamophobia and the influence of the media on the academic field.


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