Considerations with regard to Hereditary Influence

1864 ◽  
Vol 9 (48) ◽  
pp. 506-530 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henry Maudsley

Passing on from the consideration of influences which, before an individual's birth, and during the act of his generation, seem to have much to do with the determination of his destiny, it remains only to indicate the circumstances which may affect his nature during embryonic life. And although the effects which may then be produced are not truly hereditary, but in strict language connate, it is generally quite impossible to discriminate between them and such as are really inherited. There is no need to quote here any of the multitude of examples on record, testifying to the influence of the mother upon the embryo during gestation. It might be amusing, but it would scarce be profitable, to relate how that when Persina, Queen of Ethiopia, as Heliodorus tells, saw a very beautiful image of Andromeda, she brought forth a child, which was not only not an Ethiopian, but which was very like the image; how that children were born during the French Revolution who, as they grew up, were subject to unnatural terrors, and easily became insane, as Esquirol witnesses; and how that Hippocrates saved a woman who had a black child of a white husband, and who was thereupon accused of adultery, by attributing the result to the portrait of an Ethiopian on which the woman had gazed. Suffice it to say, that the direct influence of the mother's state of mind upon the embryo, has been popularly accepted at all times. Good use was made of the fact by the Jewish patriarch, who certainly never lacked advancement from want of worldly cunning, when he peeled the rods and “set them up before the flocks in the gutters in the watering troughs, when the flocks came to drink,” so that the flocks “brought forth cattle ringstraked, speckled, and spotted,” “and the man increased exceedingly.”

1971 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 273-283 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles A. Gliozzo

From Alphonse Aulard to Peter Gay historians have been fascinated with the attitudes of the philosophes toward religion.1 In the present essay attention falls on a neglected aspect of the question, the impact of the philosophes' ideas on the dechristianization movement in the French Revolution. Dechristianization means the attempt to suppress Christianity either by legislation or by force. In the Revolution, dechristianization took the following forms: aggressive anti-clericalism, prohibition of any Christian practice or worship either in public or private life, closing of the churches, the formation of a revolutionary calendar to replace the Christian one, and the establishment of new religious cults—the Cult of Reason and the Cult of Supreme Being. It is argued here that a direct influence can be traced from the philosophes to the dechristianizers of the Revolution. The dechristianizer did not belong to any clearly defined sociological group. He was an aristocrat like Anacharsis Cloots, or bourgeois such as Jacques René Hébert and Pierre Chaumette.2 Their ideas were nurtured from the deistic and atheistic writings of the philosophes.


1966 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 551-564 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julio A. Fernández

This study is a modest attempt to examine some general aspects of nationalism in the Argentine context. It should be mentioned at the start that there is no comprehensive definition for nationalism and in this connection it may be useful to explore some of the various ways in which the term is employed.Professor Toynbee defines nationalism as “a state of mind in which we give our paramount political loyalty to one fraction of the human race—to the particular tribe of which we happen to be tribesmen.” Professor Ebenstein describes nationalism since the French Revolution as “one of the driving forces of domestic, imperial, and international politics.” From his observation of Western countries, Myrdal prefers to view nationalism in terms of “an irrational force, driving … [western countries] to more disruptive policies internationally than are in their own long-term interests.”


PMLA ◽  
1967 ◽  
Vol 82 (5) ◽  
pp. 342-351 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roy C. Cowen

In many respects Danlons Tod represents a radical departure from the drama of its time. Yet it, like any other work of art, is not without predecessors, nor did it arise in an intellectual vacuum. Much has been said, for example, about Lenz's influence on Biichner's view of art and on the structure and content of his dramas. Furthermore, one of the names most commonly linked with Biichner's is that of Christian Dietrich Grabbe, his contemporary. In their search for a relationship between these two iconoclastic forerunners of modern drama, most scholars turn to Grabbe's Napoleon. We know from Biichner's correspondence with Gutzkow that he was indeed acquainted with Grabbe's panoramic picture of the still present forces of the Revolution. Although he never admitted any indebtedness to Napoleon, there are nevertheless many obvious similarities linking the two plays, particularly in the mass scenes. Yet the protagonists of the two dramas have very little in common. The following study will, however, endeavor to show that there are just such important points of comparison between Danton and the protagonists of another, often unjustly neglected drama by Grabbe: Don Juan und Faust. These similarities, while themselves not conclusive proof of a direct influence of Grabbe's only “Ideendrama” on Biichner's more intellectual portrayal of the French Revolution, will show that Dantons Tod and Don Juan und Faust, as dissimilar as their subjects are, reflect a common approach to an acute intellectual problem of the time.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-226
Author(s):  
Maciej Junkiert

This article aims to examine the Polish literary reception of the French Revolution during the period of Romanticism. Its main focus is on how Polish writers displaced their more immediate experiences of revolutionary events onto a backdrop of ‘ancient revolutions’, in which revolution was described indirectly by drawing on classical traditions, particularly the history of ancient Greeks and Romans. As this classical tradition was mediated by key works of German and French thinkers, this European context is crucial for understanding the literary strategies adopted by Polish authors. Three main approaches are visible in the Polish reception, and I will illustrate them using the works of Zygmunt Krasiński (1812–1859), Juliusz Słowacki (1809–1849) and Cyprian Norwid (1821–1883). My comparative study will be restricted to four works: Krasiński's Irydion and Przedświt (Predawn), Słowacki's Agezylausz (Agesilaus) and Norwid's Quidam.


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