STATEMENT BY J. DAN SKELTON BEFORE THE SENATE COMMITTEES ON INTERIOR AND INSULAR AFFAIRS AND COMMERCE, APRIL 8, 1975

Geophysics ◽  
1975 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 543-545

I am J. Dan Skelton, President of the Society of Exploration Geophysicists. The Society of Exploration Geophysicists, or SEG, is a professional and scientific organization of 9000 geophysicists from 100 countries. Two‐thirds of our members reside in the U.S. We have 24 affiliated sections: 20 of these are in this country. Members of the SEG carry out, worldwide, $1 billion of geophysical exploration annually. Forty percent of this effort is in the United States. Two‐thirds of our work in this country concerns the highly important offshore areas. Our members are this country’s primary manpower and technology resource so vital in our search for new energy sources. Our Society is the primary international professional organization of geophysicists. Geophysical exploration involves the examination and measurement of the earth’s structure and composition in the search for minerals and energy. In carrying out this work, the full scope of physical sciences is involved, and our members have technical expertise ranging from geology to physics, mathematics, and most branches of engineering. Forty percent of our membership are associated with petroleum companies, 20 percent with private geophysical contractors, 20 percent with mining and engineering companies, and 20 percent hold academic and governmental positions. Nearly all of the geophysical data gathered on the U.S. OCS is collected by the geophysical contractors, while nearly all the management of the surveys and interpretation of the data is by oil company geophysicists. Let me begin by solving that the SEG strongly endorses the objectives of the three main bills being discussed in these hearings—S-426, S-521, and S-740. Section 102 of S-521 summarizes these goals.

Geophysics ◽  
1976 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 152-154

I am Robert B. Rice, President of the Society of Exploration Geophysicists. The Society of Exploration Geophysicists, or SEG, is a professional and scientific organization of over 9000 geophysicists residing in 100 countries. Two‐thirds of our members live in the U.S. We have 24 affiliated sections, 20 of which are in this country. Members of the SEG carry out, worldwide, over $1 billion worth of geophysical exploration annually, of which 96 percent is petroleum exploration. Forty percent of this effort is in the United States. Two‐thirds of our work in this country (in terms of miles of survey lines) concerns the highly important offshore areas. Our members are this country’s main manpower and technology resource so vital in our search for new energy sources. Our Society is the primary international professional organization of exploration geophysicists. Geophysical exploration involves the examination and measurement of the earth’s structure and composition in the search for minerals and energy. In carrying out this work, the full scope of physical sciences is involved, and our members have technical expertise ranging from geology and geophysics to physics, mathematics, and most branches of engineering. Forty percent of our membership is associated with petroleum companies, 20 percent with private geophysical contractors, 20 percent with mining and engineering companies, and 20 percent hold academic and governmental positions. Nearly all of the geophysical data gathered on the U.S. Outer Continental Shelf is collected by the geophysical contractors, while nearly all the management of the surveys and interpretation of the data is by oil company geophysicists.


Geophysics ◽  
1978 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 638-638

The Society of Exploration Geophysicists (SEG) is the primary international professional organization for 11,000 geophysicists from over one hundred countries. About 7,300 members reside in the United States. Members of SEG carry out worldwide $1.1 billion of geophysical exploration annually in the search for petroleum, other minerals and other energy resources. About 50% of this expenditure is made in the U.S. and about 60% of the data acquired in the U.S. is offshore. Our members are one of this nation's primary sources of manpower and technology so vital in the critical search for new energy sources.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Kevin D. Benish

On May 18, 2020, the United States Supreme Court denied a request by the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela and its state-owned oil company, Petróleos de Venezuela, S.A. (PDVSA), to review the merits of Crystallex Int'l Corp. v. Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, a decision by the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit. In Crystallex, the Third Circuit affirmed a trial court's determination that PDVSA is the “alter ego” of Venezuela itself, thus permitting Crystallex to enforce a $1.4 billion judgment against Venezuela by attaching property held in PDVSA's name. Given the Supreme Court's decision to leave the Third Circuit's opinion undisturbed, Crystallex is a significant decision that may affect parties involved in transnational litigation for years to come—especially those pursuing or defending against U.S. enforcement proceedings involving the property of foreign states.


1998 ◽  
Vol 92 (3) ◽  
pp. 539-548 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rex J. Zedalis

On March 7, 1995, Conoco oil company of Houston, Texas, announced that it had entered into a contract with Iran to have a Netherlands-based affiliate assist in the development of the Sirri Island oil field. In response, the Clinton administration issued Executive Order No. 12,957, prohibiting participation by U.S. entities in the development of Iranian petroleum resources. Eventually, Conoco withdrew from its contract, but in early May of 1995 the administration stepped up its pressure on Iran by issuing Executive Order No. 12,959, prohibiting U.S. entities from using foreign entities they owned or controlled to make investments in or conduct trade transactions with Iran. On July 13 of that year, the French oil company Total S.A. entered into an agreement with Iran to replace Conoco in developing the Sirri Island field, and over the next several months Iran struck nearly a dozen petroleum development agreements worth in excess of $50 million each with other foreign oil companies. Within a couple of months, both Houses of the U.S. Congress took up consideration of proposals to complicate Iran’s ability to develop its hydrocarbon resources. By the end of 1995, the proposals, which even extended to wholly foreign entities organized and operating outside the United States, had come to include Libya as well. Final passage of one of the proposals, specifically, H.R. 3107, took place in the Senate and the House in July 1996. It was signed into law as the Iran and Libya Sanctions Act (ILSA) on August 5.


Daedalus ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 142 (1) ◽  
pp. 90-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roger E. Kasperson ◽  
Bonnie J. Ram

In the wake of ominous results about the impending path of climate change, and with gasoline prices hovering around four dollars per gallon, the 2012 presidential and congressional campaigns are full of claims and counterclaims about the transformation of the U.S. energy system. Although much discussion has centered on the need for new energy technologies, this debate as yet has been narrow and limited. Meaningful deployment of any technology will raise questions of public acceptance. Little is known about how diverse publics in the United States will respond to the advent of new energy sources, whether they involve a “second renaissance” for nuclear power, a dash to embrace hydraulic fracking for oil and natural gas, or emerging prospects for renewable energies like wind and solar power. Yet public acceptance will determine the outlook. Adding further complication is the growing debate about traditional energy sources and the extent to which a fossil fuel – based energy system should continue to be central to the American economy. This essay explores the issues involved in public acceptance of stability and change in the U.S. energy system. We conclude with several recommendations for gaining a greater understanding of the public acceptance quandary.


Geophysics ◽  
1975 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 541-542

This Statement was submitted February 19, 1975 to the Bureau of Land Management by the SEG concerning the hearings on the Proposed Increase in Oil and Gas Leasing on the Outer Continental Shelf: The Society of Exploration Geophysicists (SEG) is a professional and scientific organization of 9000 geophysicists from 100 countries. Two‐thirds of the membership reside in the U.S. Twenty‐four Section organizations are affiliated with SEG; 20 are in the U.S. The SEG is the primary international geophysics professional organization. Its members are engaged in exploration for both petroleum and minerals, involving approximately $1 billion of geophysical surveys worldwide; $390 million of this effort is in the U.S. In the Draft Environmental Statement and at the hearings themselves, several proposals were discussed which would have a detrimental short and long term effect on the vital search for oil and gas in the Outer Continental Shelf (OCS). In addition, these proposals could seriously impede the present unparalleled advance of technology in geophysical exploration. These undesirable proposals are discussed in the following paragraphs.


Author(s):  
Rosina Lozano

An American Language is a political history of the Spanish language in the United States. The nation has always been multilingual and the Spanish language in particular has remained as an important political issue into the present. After the U.S.-Mexican War, the Spanish language became a language of politics as Spanish speakers in the U.S. Southwest used it to build territorial and state governments. In the twentieth century, Spanish became a political language where speakers and those opposed to its use clashed over what Spanish's presence in the United States meant. This book recovers this story by using evidence that includes Spanish language newspapers, letters, state and territorial session laws, and federal archives to profile the struggle and resilience of Spanish speakers who advocated for their language rights as U.S. citizens. Comparing Spanish as a language of politics and as a political language across the Southwest and noncontiguous territories provides an opportunity to measure shifts in allegiance to the nation and exposes differing forms of nationalism. Language concessions and continued use of Spanish is a measure of power. Official language recognition by federal or state officials validates Spanish speakers' claims to US citizenship. The long history of policies relating to language in the United States provides a way to measure how U.S. visions of itself have shifted due to continuous migration from Latin America. Spanish-speaking U.S. citizens are crucial arbiters of Spanish language politics and their successes have broader implications on national policy and our understanding of Americans.


2020 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 41-49
Author(s):  
Orquidea Morales

In 2013, the Walt Disney Company submitted an application to trademark “Día de los muertos” (Day of the Dead) as they prepared to launch a holiday themed movie. Almost immediately after this became public Disney faced such strong criticism and backlash they withdrew their petition. By October of 2017 Disney/Pixar released the animated film Coco. Audiences in Mexico and the U.S. praised it's accurate and authentic representation of the celebration of Day of the Dead. In this essay, I argue that despite its generic framing, Coco mobilizes many elements of horror in its account of Miguel's trespassing into the forbidden space of the dead and his transformation into a liminal figure, both dead and alive. Specifically, with its horror so deftly deployed through tropes and images of borders, whether between life and death or the United States and Mexico, Coco falls within a new genre, the border horror film.


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 130-134

This section, updated regularly on the blog Palestine Square, covers popular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict during the quarter 16 November 2017 to 15 February 2018: #JerusalemIstheCapitalofPalestine went viral after U.S. president Donald Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and announced his intention to move the U.S. embassy there from Tel Aviv. The arrest of Palestinian teenager Ahed Tamimi for slapping an Israeli soldier also prompted a viral campaign under the hashtag #FreeAhed. A smaller campaign protested the exclusion of Palestinian human rights from the agenda of the annual Creating Change conference organized by the US-based National LGBTQ Task Force in Washington. And, UNRWA publicized its emergency funding appeal, following the decision of the United States to slash funding to the organization, with the hashtag #DignityIsPriceless.


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