GEOPHYSICAL HISTORY OF MAMOU FIELD, EVANGELINE PARISH, LOUISIANA

Geophysics ◽  
1954 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 490-508
Author(s):  
D. Ray Dobyns ◽  
W. B. Roper

This paper presents a chronological historical record of the geophysical activity in the area near the town of Mamou, Louisiana which subsequently led to the discovery of the Mamou Oil Field. The successive stages of geophysical exploration were: 1. Mechanical seismograph refraction survey by North American Exploration Company (German company) in August 1926 for Magnolia‐Union Sulphur‐Harry Hanszen. 2. Torsion balance survey by Shell Oil Company in 1934. 3. Magnetometer survey by Atlantic Refining Company in 1936. 4. Torsion balance survey by Atlantic Refining Company in 1936. 5. Gravity meter survey by Magnolia Petroleum Company the latter part of 1942 and early part of 1943. 6. Three weeks’ seismic work by Petty Geophysical Engineering Company for Magnolia Petroleum Company in June 1943. 7. A few weeks’ work by General Geophysical Company for Cities Service Oil Company in June, 1943. 8. Detailed seismic survey by Independent Exploration Company for Magnolia Petroleum Company from November, 1943 to June, 1945. The discovery well, Magnolia’s No. 1 J. B. Morein, was completed December 28, 1945 through perforations from 11,520 feet to 11,530 feet, producing 208 barrels of 46.3 gravity oil and 770 MCF gas per day through 8/64 inch choke. There are three producing horizons in the upper part of the Wilcox group. The first, or Morein stringer, is approximately 5 feet thick and lies about 18 feet above the second, or Morein sand, which has 19 feet average production thickness. The third, or Deshotels sand, has an average productive thickness of 10 feet and is approximately 230 feet below the Morein sand. Twenty producers and five dry holes were drilled. The field has been unitized and is being water‐flooded. Total production of the field to January 1, 1954 was 2,498,373 barrels. December, 1953 production was 20,604 barrels.

1978 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-37 ◽  

The following arbitral award was rendered by a sole arbitrator in connection with disputes reen the Libyan Arab Republic ("Libya") and two international oil companies arising out of rees of nationalization promulgated by Libya. This award is being reproduced herewith in entirety . The award not only considers many fundamental principles and doctrines of international law but is also unique in two major respects . For the first time in the history of international arbitration relating to economic development contracts , an arbitral tribunal held ; the injured parties were entitled to restitutio in integrum and that the sovereign s t a te obliged to perform specifically its contractual obligations with private foreign investors, iddition, the arbitral tribunal , after reviewing the legal effect in international law of the :ed Nations General Assembly resolutions concerning permanent sovereignty over natural wealth resources, concluded that such resolutions could not be used by the state to violate its :ractual obligations in commercial transactions . The remaining portion of this Introductory : will briefly describe the steps leading to arbitration , the arbitral proceedings and the ilution of the disputes.


2017 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francesco Gerali ◽  
Jenny Gregory

About four centuries passed between the first appearance of pamphlets in which the medical uses of petroleum were discussed (for example, the Tegernsee (southern Bavaria, 1430), Geneva (Swiss Confederacy, 1480), Nurnberg (northern Bavaria, 1500), and the Antwerp (Duchy of Brabant, today Flanders, 1540–1550) pamphlets), and Michael Faraday's discovery in 1825 of the chemical composition of benzene derived from bituminous oil as a compound of carbon and hydrogen. During this long time span, studies of oil, carried out between alchemy and chemistry, benefited from rapid advances and brilliant insights, much as they had moments of stagnation, and disappointing regressions. In 1855 the chemist Benjamin Silliman Jr., of Yale University, proved that crude oil could be decomposed through a process of fractional distillation into a range of fuels and lubricants cheaper than the oils, greases and waxes rendered by animal fats and vegetal matter (Silliman 1855; Forbes 1948 Forbes 1958). In the course of the early 1860s, oil became the main source of illumination first in North America, then in Europe and Australia. This transformation of oil from a substance of limited use into a commodity of mass consumption radically changed the pattern of oil finding and production. Crude was no longer collected just from natural springs or draining seepages, but was pumped out of the ground from wells drilled by machines using steam power. This was the first step toward the modern oil industry, and a breakthrough in the history of energy: the beginning of an oil society. The first part of this article provides an introduction to the early uses and production of petroleum in Europe, and advances in understanding the nature, the physical properties, and the composition of hydrocarbons. It provides a brief analysis of the interaction between technology, society and the environmental context in northwestern Pennsylvania, where, between 1858 and 1859, a new successful pattern developed to produce oil in commercial quantity. From 1861, that innovative process put the United States in the position to gain increasing shares in the young European mineral oil markets and, subsequently, to jeopardize the position of local oil (vegetal, animal and mineral) producers. The second part, using a national case study approach, explores the history of a British oil company operating in Romania since 1863, the Wallachian Oil Company. This venture by London stockholders—short, difficult, and abortive—is a mirror of the nature of the business implemented by emerging oil companies, not only from Europe, and therefore exemplifies the challenges of setting the modern oil sector in motion in the nineteenth century.


Geophysics ◽  
1947 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 402-405
Author(s):  
Joseph C. Waterman

The Ten Section oil field, generally regarded as the first geophysical oil field discovery in the San Joaquin Valley of California, was found by Shell Oil Company, Incorporated by means of a reflection seismograph survey made in 1934–1935. The discovery well, Shell Oil Company, Incorporated’s K. C. L.-Stevens A-1, was completed in June, 1936. A map presenting results of reflection shooting before discovery and one from well data with contours on the top of the productive Upper Miocene “Stevens” sand are shown.


Geophysics ◽  
1946 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 302-311 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. P. Wendler

The geophysical activity which led to the discovery of the Lovell Lake oil field was begun in 1929 when it was delineated as a minimum by the torsion balance. Two reflection seismograph surveys preceded the drilling of the discovery well, and a further detailed reflection seismograph survey after the discovery was made to outline the dimensions of the structure more definitively.


Geophysics ◽  
1946 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 292-301
Author(s):  
William C. Woolley

This paper presents a historical record of the geophysical activity in the area of the La Gloria Field. The successive stages of geophysical exploration were: Torsion balance survey 1934–1935; correlation reflection seismograph survey 1936; dip reflection seismograph survey, 1938; correlation reflection seismograph survey, 1938; gravity meter survey, 1943–1944. The discovery well, Magnolia’s Sam Maun No. 1, was drilled and completed in 1938–1939, producing initially 165 barrels per day of 65° gravity distillate and 5,646,000 cubic feet of gas through a 5/16 inch choke. Oil and gas in the La Gloria Field are being produced from sands in the Frio formation of Oligocene age. There are a number of sands producing gas‐distillate. Several flank wells produce oil. The field has been unitized and a cycling plant is engaged in processing the gas‐distillate.


Geophysics ◽  
1947 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 176-180
Author(s):  
Paul R. Warren

The brief pre‐discovery geophysical activity by Continental Oil Company in the area of the Ville Platte Field consumed twenty‐five working days and consisted of a reflection seismograph survey employing symmetrical setups far removed from the shotpoints. After discovery a gravity meter survey revealed a gravity minimum almost coinciding with the seismograph structure and the productive area.


Geophysics ◽  
1982 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-195 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert M. Galbraith ◽  
Alistair R. Brown

A consortium comprising Texaco Trinidad Inc., Trinidad and Tobago Oil Company Ltd., and Trinidad‐Tesoro Petroleum Company Ltd. commenced exploration in the South East Coast Consortium block offshore Trinidad in 1973. After four years of intensive exploration, a gas/condensate discovery was announced in early 1977 on the Pelican prospect. Later that year, in anticipation of the possible future need to site drilling/production platforms, a three‐dimensional (3-D) seismic survey was recorded over the prospect. This survey resulted in improvements in seismic record quality, multiple attenuation, and fault resolution. A coordinated geologic‐geophysical interpretation based on the 3-D seismic survey, a reevaluation of log correlations, and the use of seismic logs differed significantly from earlier interpretations. Because of this, it is anticipated that development of the field will need to be initiated in a different fault block from that previously envisioned. A second 3-D survey contiguous to the Pelican survey was recorded in 1978 over the Ibis prospect. Results show significant data enhancement in the deeper part of the section and improved fault resolution relative to previous two‐dimensional (2-D) control. The 3-D interpretation has revealed a much more complex fault pattern than originally mapped. Separate fault blocks will have to be individually evaluated, thus greatly increasing exploration risk.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (02) ◽  
pp. 31-41
Author(s):  
Parmaji

The objectives of this study were to: 1) analyze how the history of the development of red chili farming on irrigated rice fields at MT I in Triyoso Village, Belitang District, East OKU Regency, 2) analyze how the income differences between rice farming and red chili farming at MT I in the village Triyoso, Belitang District, East OKU Regency. The results showed that the cultivation of red chili has long been carried out in Triyoso Village, but the farmer who first cultivated red chili cultivation in irrigated rice fields was Mr. Mardiyanto, namely in 2012. The average total production cost of red chili farming in MT I was amounting to IDR 12,487,873 / Lg / MT, the revenue of IDR 24,470,000 / Lg / MT, so that you get an income of IDR 11,982,127 / Lg / MT. Meanwhile, the average production cost for rice farming in MT I is IDR 11,568,939 / Lg / MT, the revenue is IDR 19,106,204 / Lg / MT, so you get an income of IDR 7,537,265 / Lg / MT. The R / C ratio value of the red chili farming respondents was 1.96 while the R / C ratio value for rice farming respondents was 1.65. Statistically, there is a significant (significant) difference between the income of the red chili farming respondents and the rice farming respondents. This can be seen from the t value of 18.36 and the t table value of 2.10.


Geophysics ◽  
1947 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-199
Author(s):  
Glenn E. Bader

Early geophysical exploration in the Anahuac area from 1925 to 1929 included refraction fan shooting and a torsion balance survey. A reflection dip survey in 1933 indicated a large structural closure on which the discovery well was drilled in 1935. No detailed geophysical work has been done on the structure since the discovery of the field.


Author(s):  
Ruth Scurr

Thomas Carlyle claimed that his history of the French Revolution was ‘a wild savage book, itself a kind of French Revolution …’. This chapter considers his stylistic approaches to creating the illusion of immediacy: his presentation of seemingly unmediated fact through the transformation of memoir and other kinds of historical record into a compelling dramatic narrative. Closely examining the ways in which he worked biographical anecdote into the fabric of his text raises questions about Carlyle’s wider historical purposes. Pressing the question of what it means to think through style, or to distinguish expressive emotive writing from abstract understanding, is an opportunity to reconsider Carlyle’s relation to his predecessors and contemporaries writing on the Revolution in English.


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