Discussions And Communications: War Efforts Advisory Committee

Geophysics ◽  
1942 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-199
Author(s):  
F. H. Lahee

At the annual meeting of the Society in Denver on April 24, 1942, a resolution proposed by B. B. Weatherby was unanimously adopted by those present as follows: Resolved, That the Society of Exploration Geophysicists cooperate fully in the War Effort of our country by aiding in every possible way the maintenance of an adequate exploration program and also further the placement of all available geophysical personnel in suitable positions with the armed forces and other governmental agencies; also that the Society render assistance to all geophysical laboratories and shops desiring to do work for the government and for these purposes a committcu be appointed by the President.

1997 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert A. Jones

The period between 1945 and 1970 was critical for the public reputation of British science. It was also a golden age for British cinema. Feature films of this period are used in this paper as a tool for investigating the public image of the scientist. Three main stereotypes are identified, but one of these, which I have called `the Boffin' forms the main focus of the paper. `Boffins' are scientists working with the government and/or armed forces in wartime. An analysis of the portrayal of Barnes Wallis in The Dam Busters provides the main characteristics of the stereotype, and fictional Boffins from other films are compared with this. The origins of the stereotype are traced to the actual situation of scientists in the British war effort, and to class and cultural divisions in post-war Britain. The persistence of the stereotype is also discussed. The implications of this analysis for our understanding of public attitudes to scientists during this period are considered.


Author(s):  
James G. Mendez

This study analyzes the effects of the Civil War on northern black families as they sacrificed for a Union victory, and asks the question, how were black Union soldiers from the North and their families affected by their involvement in the Civil War? When northern black men joined the armed forces of the Union and went off to fight in the Civil War, they were the vanguard of a black community that faithfully supported the Union effort in large numbers and steadfastly sent their men to fight. Since they made a significant sacrifice, these families deserve to have their story told about their contribution to the Union war effort and how their lives were directly affected by the Civil War. Letters from family members to the government are the most valuable source used in this study. Collectively, the letters are significant because they represent the few written primary sources and records left behind by African-American women. These are their words and they are saying what was on their minds and what were their needs, concerns, and desires. Some of the letters give great insight into the minds and thoughts of these family members. The most valuable of correspondences discuss why northern blacks supported the war and what they expected in return. They talk about loyalty, citizenship, and the pride of a people. Using these letters, the Civil War history of black soldiers is examined; however, woven into this history is the story of the families on the home front.


Author(s):  
Martha Bashford ◽  
Marcia M. Anderson ◽  
Leo I. Brisbois ◽  
Kathleen Cannon ◽  
Margaret Garvin ◽  
...  

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Oscar V. Bautista-Cespedes ◽  
Louise Willemen ◽  
Augusto Castro-Nunez ◽  
Thomas A. Groen

AbstractThe Amazon rainforest covers roughly 40% of Colombia’s territory and has important global ecological functions. For more than 50 years, an internal war in the country has shaped this region. Peace negotiations between the government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) initiated in 2012 resulted in a progressive de-escalation of violence and a complete ceasefire in 2016. This study explores the role of different deforestation drivers including armed conflict variables, in explaining deforestation for three periods between 2001 and 2015. Iterative regression analyses were carried out for two spatial extents: the entire Colombian Amazon and a subset area which was most affected by deforestation. The results show that conflict variables have positive relationships with deforestation; yet, they are not among the main variables explaining deforestation. Accessibility and biophysical variables explain more variation. Nevertheless, conflict variables show divergent influence on deforestation depending on the period and scale of analysis. Based on these results, we develop deforestation risk maps to inform the design of forest conservation efforts in the post-conflict period.


Author(s):  
Marc Kieley

Global conflicts in 2020 have highlighted the unexpected employment of advanced ballistic missiles and unmanned aerial vehicles by developing military powers. The development of ballistic missiles by Iran, or the export of advanced drones by Turkey, are ultimately the result of the American-led revolution in military affairs that, during the Gulf War, established the potential of precision guided weapons and reconnaissance systems. In response, America’s competitors have adapted their military doctrines and developed weapons designed to both counter and copy the West’s technological advantages. As the Government of Canada implements its defence policy—Strong, Secure, and Engaged—it has promised to procure a ground-based air defence system for the Canadian Armed Forces. Careful consideration and analysis are required, however, to ensure that Canada procures the best possible solution given limited funding and a wide array of potential threats.


2021 ◽  
pp. 0095327X2110629
Author(s):  
Kirill Shamiev

This article studies the role of military culture in defense policymaking. It focuses on Russia’s post-Soviet civil–military relations and military reform attempts. After the fall of the Soviet Union, Russia’s armed forces were in a state of despair. Despite having relative institutional autonomy, the military neither made itself more effective before minister Serdyukov nor tried to overthrow the government. The paper uses the advocacy coalition framework’s belief system approach to analyze data from military memoirs, parliamentary speeches, and 15 interviews. The research shows that the military’s support for institutional autonomy, combined with its elites’ self-serving bias, critically contributed to what I term an “imperfect equilibrium” in Russian civil–military relations: the military could not reform itself and fought back against radical, though necessary, changes imposed by civilian leadership.


1896 ◽  
Vol 42 (176) ◽  
pp. 136-137

We observe that the important question of the Government Grant has been again before the Lancashire Asylums Board. It would appear that the resolutions of the County Councils' Association were in favour of extending the four-shilling grant to chronic pauper lunatics maintained in workhouse wards under special regulations, and to idiots maintained in public institutions. It was pointed out, however, that there was a material departure from the resolution adopted by the Lancashire Board, which prescribed that, before the grant was to be extended in that manner, the patients must have been treated in an asylum—a period of two years having been mentioned, thereupon a deputation to the Local Government Board was appointed, and the Lancashire Asylum authorities are to be congratulated upon having made a stand for their own opinion. The treatment of acute insanity cannot be effective under workhouse regulations. An asylum is a hospital, and should receive the mentally-afflicted in the first instance. A workhouse may, under proper authority, be fitted to accommodate harmless dements; and, in the interest of the ratepayers as well as of the insane, such a rearrangement is highly desirable. It is, however, of essential importance that the cases selected for the cheaper, simpler, and less specialised care of workhouse officials should have passed through the local asylum and under the review of the Commissioners. We are not inclined to fix any term of residence in asylums, preferring to leave their physicians unfettered by such a regulation as the two-year limit spoken of at Lancaster. It is quite probable that a very much shorter period of observation would suffice to determine the propriety of passing a hopeless, easily-managed case from an overcrowded asylum to the lunatic ward of the neighbouring workhouse. We need not support these views by lengthy reference to the results obtained in Scotland under such a system as is now recommended, but must congratulate Dr. J. A. Campbell on the eminent success attending the proposal which he brought forward at our Annual Meeting of 1893.


2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Butler

Abstract This article considers the breakdown in discipline in the British Army which occurred in Britain and on the Western Front during the process of demobilization at the end of the First World War. Many soldiers, retained in the army immediately after the Armistice, went on strike, and some formed elected committees, demanding their swifter return to civilian life. Their perception was that the existing demobilization system was unjust, and men were soon organized by those more politically conscious members of the armed forces who had enlisted for the duration of the war. At one stage in January 1919, over 50,000 soldiers were out on strike, a fact that was of great concern to the British civilian and military authorities who miscalculated the risk posed by soldiers. Spurred on by many elements of the press, especially the Daily Mail and Daily Herald, who both fanned and dampened the flames of discontent, soldiers’ discipline broke down, demonstrating that the patriotism which had for so long kept them in line could only extend so far. Though senior members of the government, principally Winston Churchill, and the military, especially Douglas Haig and Henry Wilson, were genuinely concerned that Bolshevism had ‘infected’ the army, or, at the very least, the army had been unionized, their fears were not realized. The article examines the government’s strategy regarding demobilization, its efforts to assess the risk of politicization and manage the press, and its responses to these waves of strikes, arguing that, essentially, these soldiers were civilians first and simply wanted to return home, though, in the post-war political climate, government fears were very real.


2017 ◽  
pp. 182-195
Author(s):  
I. Sribnyak

The article analyzes the moral condition and conditions of staying of interned Ukrainian soldiers in the camp of Stshalkovo (Poland) in the second half of 1921 – early 1922. Based on the use of a wide range of archival sources, the author concludes that the camp everyday life of the wartime period was marked by significant difficulties due to its extraordinary crowding and presence in the camp of interned and captured soldiers of other formations (Balahovtsy and Red Army soldiers). The lack of any material resources, the lack of adequate and high-quality food, the lack of fuel for heating booths, anti-Ukrainian agitation, led to the fact that a part of Ukrainian soldiers lost national moral values. In order to prevent the demoralization of Ukrainian warfare, the command of the group tried to intensify cultural and educational work in the camp, but due to lack of premises and lack of resources, it slowly collapsed. Some of the interned ones did not withstand the burden of hopeless and burdensome camping munitions, and left the camp in search of better living conditions. Obviously, this was a dangerous trend, and the command of the interned troops in various ways tried to prevent it from further spreading. The leader of the group A. Pиzitsky was particularly opposed to the destructive processes in the camp. His measures were fully understood and supported by the higher military leadership of the Armed Forces and the Government of the UPR.


Author(s):  
Y. S. Kudryashova

During the government of AK Party army leaders underprivileged to act as an exclusive guarantor preserving a secular regime in the country. The political balance between Secular and Islamite elites was essentially removed after Erdogan was elected Turkish President. Consistently toughening authoritarian regime of a ruling party deeply accounts for a military coup attempt and earlier periodically occurred disturbance especially among the young. The methods of a coup showed the profundity of a split and the lack of cohesion in Turkish armed forces. Erdogan made the best use of a coup attempt’s opportunities to concentrate all power in his hands and to consolidate a present regime. The mass support of the population during a coup attempt ensured opportunities for a fundamental reorganization of a political system. Revamped Constitution at most increases political powers of the President.


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