Who learns what from whom? Implementing gender mainstreaming in multi-level settings

2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 174-188 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alba Alonso

With obstacles at various levels of government, multi-level settings provide complex challenges for the implementation of gender mainstreaming. Policy transfer appears to hold some explanatory potential in these sorts of contexts; scholarship however, still tends to focus on single sources of influence – either European or domestic – and potentially misses the broader picture. This article revisits the classic question of who learns what from whom by addressing the implementation of gender mainstreaming in research policies in the Spanish regions through the lens of policy transfer. Measures to tackle gender inequality in science have been developed at the EU, state and regional levels, thus enabling the three regions studied here – Galicia, the Basque Country and the Balearic Islands – to ‘borrow’ good practices from different layers of government. This article suggests that more nuanced frameworks, recognizing that multi-level settings are potential sites for complex lesson-drawing processes, are likely to offer greater explanatory depth.

Author(s):  
Karolina BORONSKA-HRYNIEWIECKA

LABURPENA: Artikulu honek, Euskadi adibidetzat hartuta, gaur egungo nazioz azpiko erregionalismoaren izaera aldakorra aztertzen du. Eta erakusten du euskal eskualde-estrategien bilakaera, eta nola lehengo jarrera probintziaren aldekoa bazen eta elkarren arteko lehia bultzatzen bazuen, oraingoa, berriz, irekia, kooperatiboa eta berritzailea dela, hobeto moldatzen dena Europako gobernantza-modu berrietara. Gaur egungo eskualde-ikerketek eskaintzen dituzten tresna teorikoak oinarri hartuta, artikulu honek euskal erregionalismotik sortzen den jarrera hibridoa aztertzen du. Horren osagaiak berriak, postmodernoak eta nazioz haraindikoak dira, eta eskualdearen ahalmen ekonomiko, politiko eta soziala indartzeko eta Europako kontuetan jokalari aktibo izateko balio dute. Europar Batasuneko eskualdeestrategien norabideak garrantzi berezia dauka Europan sortu den maila anitzeko gobernantza dela-eta, zeinetan agintea gobernu zentraletatik aldendu baita: gorantz, nazioz gaindiko mailara; beherantz, nazioz azpiko jurisdikzioetara; eta alboetara, estatu ez direnen sare publiko eta pribatuetara, eta horrek aukera berriak eskaini dizkie erregionalistei antzeko helburuak lortzeko. RESUMEN: Este articulo analiza la naturaleza cambiante del regionalismo subnacional contemporaneo a traves del ejemplo del Pais Vasco. Muestra de que maneras las estrategias regionales vascas han evolucionado desde un aspecto provincial y de confrontacion a uno abierto, cooperativo e innovador, que se adapta a las nuevas formas de gobernanza europea. A partir de los instrumentos teoricos ofrecidos por los estudios regionales contemporaneos este articulo explora el tipo hibrido que emerge del regionalismo vasco que consiste en componentes nuevos, postmodernos y transnacionales que sirven para fortalecer la competencia economica, politica y social de la region como un jugador activo en los asuntos europeos. La cuestion de la direccion de las estrategias regionalistas en la Union Europea resulta especialmente sobresaliente a la vista de la gobernanza multinivel europea emergente donde el poder ha sido apartado de los gobiernos centrales: hacia arriba al nivel supranacional, hacia abajo a las jurisdicciones subnacionales y a los costados a las redes publicas y privadas de los actores no estatales que ha dado a los regionalistas nuevas posibilidades de alcanzar similares objetivos. ABSTRACT: This paper analyses the changing nature of the contemporary subnational regionalism through the example of the Basque Country. It shows in what ways the Basque regionalist strategies have evolved from parochial and confrontational to outward looking, cooperative and innovative, adapting to the challenges of European integration and the emergence of new modes of European governance. On the basis of theoretical tools provided by contemporary regional studies this paper explores the emerging hybrid type of Basque regionalism consisting of the new, postmodern and transnational components which serve to strenghten the economic, political and social competence of the region as an active player in European affairs. The question of the direction of regionalist strategies in the EU seems especially salient in the view of the emerging European multi-level governance where power has been dispersed away from central governments; upwards to the supranational level, downwards to subnational jurisdictions and sideways to public and private networks of non-state actors which has given the regionalists new possibilities of achieving similar goals.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (11) ◽  
pp. 25
Author(s):  
Carolina Pavese

After two decades of negotiations, the European Union (EU) and Mercosur celebrated a new Association Agreement in 2019. Structured around three pillars (political dialogue, cooperation, and trade), the deal is still pending ratification but has raised strong criticism. Most concerns address the effect of trade liberalization on social and environmental agendas. This article contributes to this debate, conducting qualitative analysis on the agreement's potential impact on gender equality in the EU and Mercosur. Departing from the feminist scholarship assumption that trade has an unavoidable effect on gender, this article argues that interregional trade agreements can be a helpful policy instrument to promote gender equality. Nevertheless, this research demonstrates that, so far, the EU-Mercosur Association Agreement has neglected this opportunity. The provisional text does not reflect a gender mainstreaming approach, lacking the appropriate mechanisms to manage its effects on women. As a result, the new interregional trade liberalization instrument risks widening gender inequality in both regions. Nevertheless, this research demonstrates that, so far, the EU-Mercosur Association Agreement has neglected this opportunity. The provisional text does not reflect a gender mainstreaming approach, lacking the appropriate mechanisms to manage its effects on women. As a result, the new interregional trade liberalization instrument risks widening gender inequality in both regions.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 121-141
Author(s):  
Justyna Olędzka

The purpose of this article is to discuss the trajectory of Belarusian-Lithuanian relations with a particular focus on the period after the 2020 Belarusian presidential election, which resulted in a change in international relations in the region. This was the moment that redefined the Lithuanian-Belarusian relations, which until 2020 were satisfactory for both sides (especially in the economic aspect). However, Lithuania began to pursue a reactive policy of promoting the democratisation of Belarus and provided multi-level support to Belarusian opposition forces. The current problems in bilateral relations (e.g., the future of Belarusian Nuclear Power Plant located in Astravyets) have been put on the agenda for discussion at the EU level, while the instruments of a hybrid conflict in the form of an influx of immigrants into Lithuania, controlled by the Belarusian regime, have become a key issue for the future prospects of relations between Belarus and Lithuania.


Author(s):  
Vidmantas Tūtlys ◽  
Daiva Bukantaitė ◽  
Sergii Melnyk ◽  
Aivaras Anužis

The paper compares the institutional development of skills formation in Lithuania and Ukraine by focusing on the implications of the post-communist transition and Europeanization and exploring the role of policy transfer. The research follows the theoretical approach of historical institutionalism and skills formation ecosystems. Despite similar critical junctures typical for the institutional development of skills formation in Lithuania and Ukraine within this timeframe, the existing differences of these development pathways can be explained by the different policy choices and different impacts of the institutional legacy. The main implication of integration with the EU for skills formation in Lithuania and Ukraine is related with enabling holistic and strategic institutional development of skills formation institutions. The paper concludes that policy transfer was one of the key driving forces and capacity-building sources in the development of skills formation institutions in both countries.


Modern Italy ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-231 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paolo Foradori ◽  
Paolo Rosa

SummaryThe article looks at the role of Italy in the decision-making arena of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), analysing the initiatives it put in place to address and influence the construction of a common defence. The article aims to explain the ability or inability of Italy to build up a consensus around its proposals. By studying two initiatives in the field of European defence and security, it seeks to determine the factors which resulted in the differing outcomes of Italian actions at the European level.


Author(s):  
Benjamin Hawkins ◽  
Chris Holden ◽  
Sophie Mackinder
Keyword(s):  

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 525-546
Author(s):  
Helena Bauerová ◽  
Milan Vošta

AbstractThe topic of energy is still one of the most sensitive policy areas. The aim of this article is to examine the multi-level governance and energy specifics of the V4 countries within the context of European integration by analyzing selected the specifics of the energy mix of the V4 group countries. This will be carried out within the context of applying the theory of multilevel governance. The paper shows how energy policy is formed at state, and/or non-state level, as well as how these levels are influenced by the EU. The article also looks at the efforts taken to shape a common energy policy. A closer examination of the individual countries‘ levels lies outside the scope of this article. Therefore, the framework was chosen with regard to the particular features within the context of the functioning of the V4 group of countries. Using multi-level governance as a theoretical concept, the authors considered the limits arising from the determination of levels and the subjects of the survey, as well as having distinguished three levels of analysis. The first is the supranational level. This is represented by the EU. The second level is represented by the V4 states. The third level is the state as the actor that formulates energy policy, sets the energy mix and subsequently manifests itself in relation to the EU and the V4 group. Energy policy is significantly influenced by states, especially in the area of energy security of fuel supplies, or that of setting the energy mix. With the gradual communitarization of energy policy, the EU’s influence is growing and it is debatable how the evaluation of existing strategic plans, presented by individual states, will be done. The role of the V4 group is the weakest of the three levels of analysis which were examined. However, its increasing influence can be predicted mainly in the case of coal depletion and the perception of nuclear energy as a renewable source.


Author(s):  
Alicia Gómez‐Tello ◽  
María‐José Murgui‐García ◽  
María‐Teresa Sanchis‐Llopis
Keyword(s):  

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 553-557
Author(s):  
Eriada Çela

Addressing gender-equality issues in education can foster enormous change in children’s lives. However, most textbooks in Albanian schools include gender stereotypes, which perpetuate gender inequality and unequal roles for men and women, both in public and private spheres. This research aims to identify and evaluate trends of gender stereotypes in textbooks, as well as the need for gender mainstreaming in basic education curriculum. The methodology is based on a desk review of textbooks from a gender perspective. The curriculum evaluation follows the context, input, process, and product (CIPP) model of evaluation, which mainly aims to assess the extent to which a certain education reform has generated positive change in schools.


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