The Firm Value and Marketing Intensity Decision in Conditions of Financial Constraint: A Comparative Study of the United States and Latin America

2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 21-39
Author(s):  
Walter Palomino-Tamayo ◽  
Juan Timana ◽  
Julio Cerviño

Marketing managers generally have to make marketing decisions under financial constraints (i.e., the firm’s inability to generate cash flow for investments and marketing), with limited assurance of the outcomes. Little investigation has been made into the effect of financial constraints on marketing intensity and the subsequent effect on firm value and performance, particularly when it is a volatile environment (e.g., Latin America) that creates the financial constraints. Using a conceptual framework grounded in agency theory, the authors develop a model and test it using a panel data set from the United States and five Latin American countries. The results indicate that financial constraints have a negative effect on marketing intensity and ultimately negatively affect firm value and performance. Furthermore, this study confirms the effect of three moderators—market sensitivity, country governance quality, and country economic development distance—on the relationship between financial constraint and marketing intensity and helps explain differences across the United States and Latin America.

2006 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-215
Author(s):  
Jean Graham-Jones

In October 2004, I edited Theatre Journal's special issue on Latin American theatre. In addition to five essays on subjects ranging from sixteenth-century Amerindian performance to a twenty-first-century Mexican adaptation of an Irish play, that issue included a forum on the state of Latin American theatre and performance studies in the United States today. Even though the thirteen respondents resided, independently or as affiliates, in different disciplinary homes (theatre, performance, languages, and literature) and took multiple points of departure, a common thread ran throughout their comments: the need for the U.S. academy to study and teach the diversity that is known as Latin America.1 Tamara Underiner succinctly notes that “Latin America has never answered easily as an object of inquiry for theatre studies.”2 Indeed, studying Latin American theatre and performance poses very specific challenges: the region encompasses some twenty countries whose national borders obscure larger geographical, cultural, religious, political, and socioeconomic networks; a multiplicity of languages—European, dialectal, and indigenous to the hemisphere—are still spoken, written, and performed; and numerous intersecting histories extend back far beyond the five hundred years since the Europeans arrived and precipitated what today we euphemistically refer to as “contact.” Latin America does not terminate at the U.S.–Mexican border; thus although I'm cognizant of the attendant complications when including the U.S. latino/a communities in a discussion of Latin American theatre, the cultural network is such that I consider any arbitrary separation counter to the purposes of this reflection. Otherwise, how can we take into account the larger networks navigated by such U.S.-based playwrights as Guillermo Reyes (born in Chile but raised in the United States and the author of plays about Chilean history as well as specifically U.S. identities) or Ariel Dorfman (born in Argentina, raised in New York City and Santiago, Chile, now a professor at Duke, and author of English-language plays whose subject matter is frequently authoritarian Latin America)?


1977 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Milton Silverman

A survey was conducted on the promotion of 28 prescription drugs in the form of 40 different products marketed in the United States and Latin America by 23 multinational pharmaceutical companies. Striking differences were found in the manner in which the identical drug, marketed by the identical company or its foreign affiliate, was described to physicians in the United States and to physicians in Latin America. In the United States, the listed indications were usually few in number, while the contraindications, warnings, and potential adverse reactions were given in extensive detail. In Latin America, the listed indications were far more numerous, while the hazards were usually minimized, glossed over, or totally ignored. The differences were not simply between the United States on the one hand and all the Latin American countries on the other. There were substantial differences within Latin America, with the same global company telling one story in Mexico, another in Central America, a third in Ecuador and Colombia, and yet another in Brazil. The companies have sought to defend these practices by contending that they are not breaking any Latin American laws. In some countries, however, such promotion is in clear violation of the law. The corporate ethics and social responsibilities concerned here call for examination and action.


2016 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-154 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosa E. Ficek

This article discusses the planning and construction of the Pan-American Highway by focusing on interactions among engineers, government officials, manufacturers, auto enthusiasts, and road promoters from the United States and Latin America. It considers how the Pan-American Highway was made by projects to extend U.S. influence in Latin America but also by Latin American nationalist and regionalist projects that put forward alternative ideas about social and cultural difference—and cooperation—across the Americas. The transnational negotiations that shaped the Pan-American Highway show how roads, as they bring people and places into contact with each other, mobilize diverse actors and projects that can transform the geography and meaning of these technologies.


PLoS ONE ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. e54056 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Jaime Miranda ◽  
Victor M. Herrera ◽  
Julio A. Chirinos ◽  
Luis F. Gómez ◽  
Pablo Perel ◽  
...  

1970 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-301
Author(s):  
Wilkins B. Winn

The Republic of Colombia was the first Latin American nation to which the United States extended a formal act of recognition in 1822. This country was also the first of these new republics with which the United States negotiated a treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation. The importance of incorporating the principle of religious liberty in our first commercial treaty with Latin America was revealed in the emphasis that John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, placed on it in his initial instructions to Richard Clough Anderson, Jr., Minister Plenipotentiary to Colombia. Religious liberty was one of the specific articles stipulated by Adams for insertion in the prospective commercial treaty.


Significance The GCC imports around 85% of the food its member countries consume domestically, and the share of Latin American products as a proportion of the GCC’s total food imports has increased from 10% in 2015 to almost 14% in 2019. Impacts Pandemic-induced adoption of innovations such as e-commerce will provide opportunities to expand food exports. Post-pandemic recovery in tourism may eventually boost the GCC’s need for food imports. Growth in other markets will be crucial to help reduce LAC’s dependence on key markets such as China and the United States.


Author(s):  
Iñigo García-Bryce

This chapter explores Haya’s changing relationship with the United States. As an exiled student leader he denounced “Yankee imperialism” and alarmed observers in the U.S. State Department. Yet once he entered Peruvian politics, Haya understood the importance of cultivating U.S.-Latin American relations. While in hiding he maintained relations with U.S. intellectuals and politicians and sought U.S. support for his embattled party. His writings increasingly embraced democracy and he maneuvered to position APRA as an ally in the U.S. fight fascism during the 1930s and 40s, and then communism during the Cold War. The five years he spent in Lima’s Colombian embassy awaiting the resolution of his political asylum case, made him into an international symbol of the democratic fight against dictatorship. He would always remain a critic of U.S. support for dictatorships in Latin America.


2002 ◽  
Vol 101 (652) ◽  
pp. 51-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Shifter

Perennial questions in inter-American relations emerged more sharply than ever after September 11: Would the United States turn its attention away from Latin America and consign the region to irrelevance? Would the United States … attempt to impose a broad strategic design, in accord with its global antiterrorist campaign? Or would the United States take advantage of this moment and engage more proactively and constructively with its Latin American partners in pursuit of a shared agenda?


2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (23) ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlos Alberto Ardila Castro ◽  
Jessica Andrea Rodríguez

China has had a significant incidence in various sectors of African and Latin American politics, economy, and trade. There is no denying that its foreign policy has strategic interests in both regions. One of the most outstanding features of Chinese politics is its desire to promote cooperation to foster a renaissance between Asia and Latin America and Africa. Unlike the old colonial masters, China is committed to providing these regions with new opportunities for development. Bearing in mind Alfred Mahan’s theory of naval power, and the strategic rearguard that, at a given time, it allowed the United States, China is attempting to maintain the strategic center of gravity, which the economic control of Latin America and Africa and its surrounding resources provides to generate a strategic expansion that would ensure its interests and power in the hemisphere. In exchange, China strives to promote economic, commercial, political, and social development in African and Latin American societies.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 654-665 ◽  
Author(s):  
Omar G Encarnación

This essay examines the conditions that enable a ‘gay rights backlash’ through a comparison of the United States and Latin America. The United States, the cradle of the contemporary gay rights movement, is the paradigmatic example of a gay rights backlash. By contrast, Latin America, the most Catholic of regions, introduced gay rights at a faster pace than the United States without much in the way of a backlash. Collectively, this analysis demonstrates that a gay rights backlash hinges upon organisationally-rich ‘backlashers’ and an environment that is receptive to homophobic messages, a point underscored by the American experience. But the Latin American experience shows that the counter-framing to the backlash can minimise and even blunt the effects of the backlash.


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