Democracy and Nonprofit Growth: A Cross-National Panel Study

2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 702-722 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seok Eun Kim ◽  
You Hyun Kim

This study hypothesizes that a country with a high level of democracy should experience more extensive growth in its nonprofit sector than authoritarian or less democratic countries, controlling for the relevant social and economic variables. We tested this hypothesis using cross-national longitudinal data. The results indicate that a democratic political system affects positively on the emergence and growth of the nonprofit sector across sample countries. However, the relationship appears to be non-linear, although nonprofit activities are sustained at a certain level. We also found different developmental trajectories among the nonprofit sectors that depended on how different countries operated their democratic political systems.

1974 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 274-300 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harvey F. Kline

The use of “group” as a unit of analysis has a long tradition in political science. Some proponents of this approach (Bentley, 1908; Hagan, 1966) define group in such a broad way as to simplify the study of politics little if any. An empirically more useful approach to the study of groups is that pursued by David Truman (1955), who concentrates his attention on interest groups. Although he never states that all of the politics of the United States can be understood through the study of interest groups, it is clear that Truman considers the study of such groups to be a central aspect and, in effect, hypothesizes that such would be the case in any political system. Whether this is in fact the case can be tested by cross-national studies. In one such study, Joseph La Palombara (1960) concluded that the important aspects of Italian politics are not explained satisfactorily by studying organized interest groups. This is in direct contradiction to Truman's implicit hypothesis, which would be refuted if numerous studies in other political systems concluded as La Palombara's did.


2011 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allen L. Bures ◽  
Dale Henderson ◽  
Jacqueline Mayfield ◽  
Milton Mayfield ◽  
Joel Worley

This paper investigates the relationships between the level of spousal support that a dual career marriage participant receives and the individuals job satisfaction and work stress. Results indicate that a high level of spousal support leads to higher levels of job satisfaction. Data analysis also suggests that gender moderates the relationship between spousal support and work stress. At a low level of spousal support, but men and women reported approximately equal stress. However, data show that a high level of spousal support reduces mens work stress, but does not significantly decrease womens stress level.


2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 46
Author(s):  
Mathias Daven

Democracy is often seen as a political system which is capable of lessening or preventing corruption. Countries with a democratic system are regarded as relatively free of corrupt practices. Meanwhile, authoritarian political systems are seen as riddled through with corrupt practices because they are not capable of protecting political officials from such practices. However it is apparent that corruption scandals are frequently encountered in democratic systems. Various corruption scandals that befall politicians in Western Europe, the USA and Japan indicate the reality that democratic procedures are not, on their own, capable of protecting officials from corruption. What calls for debate among academics is: Which aspect of democracy can prevent, and which aspect can permit corrupt practices? How can the relationship between corruption and democracy be explained? This essay is presented as a small contribution to this debate.


2009 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 517-537 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony M. Bertelli ◽  
Andrew B. Whitford

Numerous recent studies have addressed how the investment choices of firms depend on elite perceptions of the quality of national regulatory regimes. Likewise, other studies show that government structures can help to support credible commitments that protect market mechanisms. The authors provide the first analytic discussion of elite perceptions of national regulatory quality as a function of the independence of regulators in a country’s political system. Their central claims are that market operations depend on perceptions of regulatory quality and that independent regulators facilitate elite perceptions of regulatory quality because they check actors in domestic political systems. Cross-national statistical evidence suggests that regulatory independence supports elite perceptions of high regulatory quality. This article also provides evidence that regulatory independence is more likely where political competition shapes incentives to intervene in business markets.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5(160) ◽  
pp. 55-81
Author(s):  
Tomasz Kuczur

The conditions related to the relationship between the political system and the shape of criminal law solutions in the period of a fundamental change of the political system in the model system — in accordance with the concept proposed by the author — are as follows: change of the political system, introduction into the political system of legal acts which validate it in the basic scope, adoption of a provisional constitution, adoption of a basic law (formally changing the state system), adoption of code solutions in the area of substantive criminal law. However, there are certain deviations from this “model”, depending on the direction of system changes. This process is different, for example, in a totalitarian system, and different in a democratic one. Therefore the role of criminal law in this process is different, and the intensity and scope of changes that are made by the provisions of this law are also varied. The answer to the question about the role of criminal law in individual political systems was the main research problem raised by the author.


2017 ◽  
Vol 58 (3) ◽  
pp. 272-290 ◽  
Author(s):  
Veerle Buffel ◽  
Jason Beckfield ◽  
Piet Bracke

In this study, we question (1) whether the relationship between unemployment and mental healthcare use, controlling for mental health status, varies across European countries and (2) whether these differences are patterned by a combination of unemployment and healthcare generosity. We hypothesize that medicalization of unemployment is stronger in countries where a low level of unemployment generosity is combined with a high level of healthcare generosity. A subsample of 36,306 working-age respondents from rounds 64.4 (2005–2006) and 73.2 (2010) of the cross-national survey Eurobarometer was used. Country-specific logistic regression and multilevel analyses, controlling for public disability spending, changes in government spending, economic capacity, and unemployment rate, were performed. We find that unemployment is medicalized, at least to some degree, in the majority of the 24 nations surveyed. Moreover, the medicalization of unemployment varies substantially across countries, corresponding to the combination of the level of unemployment and of healthcare generosity.


Author(s):  
Amie Kreppel

This chapter focuses on the political roles and powers of legislatures. It first describes different types of legislatures on the basis of their functions and relationship with the executive branch before analysing the roles of legislatures within the political system as a whole, as well as several critical aspects of the internal organizational structures of legislatures. It then examines the relationship between the political power and influence of a legislature and the structure of the broader political and party system. The discussion focuses on legislatures within modern democratic political systems, although many points apply to all legislatures regardless of regime. The chapter also explains how legislature differs from assembly, parliament, and congress.


2020 ◽  
pp. 119-138
Author(s):  
Amie Kreppel

This chapter focuses on the political roles and powers of legislatures. It first describes different types of legislatures on the basis of their functions and relationship with the executive branch, before analysing the roles of legislatures within the political system as a whole, as well as several critical aspects of the internal organizational structures of legislatures. It then examines the relationship between the political power and influence of a legislature and the structure of the broader political and party system. The discussion focuses on legislatures within modern democratic political systems, although many points apply to all legislatures, regardless of regime. The chapter also explains how legislature differs from assembly, parliament, and congress.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
pp. 108
Author(s):  
Hatem Mehdi Aldefaie ◽  
Ihab Ali Abdullah Rashid

Arab political regimes suffer from a number of crises that pose a challenge to the continuation and stability of their political systems. Arab political regimes have witnessed many multi-dimensional crises and angles such as economic, social and political crises. Main in the Arab political systems.      The majority of researchers and scholars in this field are due to the weakness of the relationship between society and the existing political system, the latter and civil society, and the consequent tyranny of the Authority and its regime, and its penetration into the practice of oppression and violence in order to preserve its survival in government. Arab politics are traditional sources that do not reflect the reality of the democratic state, which is based on rational and legal foundations, and perhaps this ultimately led to the shaking or collapse of legitimacy in those regimes.


Author(s):  
Ahmed Sddam Idam

The promotion of a culture of citizenship - which reveals one of its meanings as embracing the members of society irrespective of religion, sect, ideology or nationalism - and embraces them in one common crucible - is one of the basic tasks of societies and political systems. Because their availability in any country indicates the extent and high level of social integration among its components, in the sense that the value of citizenship is the standard and the prominent feature that distinguishes this country from that. Societies that are divided and socially divided do not have the spirit of recognition of the other and hence lack of citizenship. The political system, which does not seek to assimilate the various groups and organize them in political and legal frameworks based on the rule of law and full political participation under the state of institutions and the recognition of civil, political and economic rights, Is also working to weaken the culture of citizenship. When talking about citizenship in the Iraqi situation, we find that it has been cracked by several reasons, some of them due to the policies of marginalization and marginalization adopted by the former political system towards society and thus created a culture of subjugation is unable to accommodate the colors of the community spectrum within the framework of the common homeland, The events of 9/4/2003 and the accompanying challenges have been obstacles to enhancing the culture of citizenship in post-political Iraq.


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