Shock to the system? Journalism in Irish public service media after the crash

2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 116-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Cullinane

The political and economic disjunctures associated with the 2008 financial crisis and the policy responses to it have coincided with the deepening of professional journalism’s cultural crisis of authority and legitimacy, associated with declining public confidence in the hegemonic norms underpinning journalism practice. This paper presents the findings of research undertaken in the newsroom of Ireland’s main public service media organisation aimed at exploring the durability of key tenets of journalistic professionalism as its practitioners negotiated the crisis. In demonstrating evidence from interview testimony of limited editorial responses to crisis, enduring support for dominant professional norms and prevailing practices of representation, inclusion and participation, the findings are suggestive of a broad normative resilience in the face of crisis. Such stability, it is argued, reflects the ideological enmeshment of public service media and journalistic professionalism within the political and cultural systems of their host states but offers few resources for extricating public service journalism from deepening professional and institutional cultural crises.

Divested ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 9-27
Author(s):  
Ken-Hou Lin ◽  
Megan Tobias Neely

This chapter discusses the definition of finance and the meaning of financialization, a concept introduced long before the 2008 financial crisis that has since gained popularity in both academic and public discussion. It argues that finance, while having served an important function in many societies, has become too much of a good thing in the United States, and cites evidence demonstrating its extraordinary growth in and beyond the last quarter of the 20th century. The chapter also provides a brief historical account that identifies the political and institutional roots of financialization, from the Bretton Woods Agreement to the political reorientation in the 1980s, underscoring that the shift was not a natural result of capitalist economy but a historical product contingent on a wide variety of developments.


2021 ◽  
pp. 0094582X2110293
Author(s):  
Tatiana Berringer

An analysis of the relationship between classes and class fractions and Mercosur under the PT (Workers’ Party) governments suggests that the transition from the open regionalism of the 1990s to the multidimensional regionalism of the 2000s and the crisis of the latter were linked to the overlap between the regional integration mechanisms Unasur and Mercosur and the social base of the neodevelopmentalist front. Multidimensional regionalism went into crisis after 2012, when the country began to suffer the impact of the 2008 financial crisis and changes in international politics and when the political process that culminated in the 2016 coup began. Uma análise da relação entre as classes e frações de classe e o Mercosul dos governos PT sugere que a transição do regionalismo aberto dos anos 1990 para o regionalismo multidimensional dos anos 2000 e a crise deste últimoestão ligados à imbricação entre os processos de integração regional, Unasur e Mercosur, e a base social da frente neodesenvolvimentista. O regionalismo multidimensional entrou em crise a partir de 2012 quando o país começou a sofrer mais o impacto da crise financeira de 2008 e das transformações na política internacional e iniciou-se o processo político que culminou no golpe de 2016.


2019 ◽  
pp. 85-98
Author(s):  
Stefan Eich

Cryptocurrencies are frequently framed as future-oriented, technological innovations that decentralize money, thereby liberating it from centralized governance and the political tentacles of the state. This is misleading on several counts. First, electronic currencies cannot leave the politics of money behind even where they aim to disavow it. Instead, we can understand their impact as a political attempt to depoliticize money. Second, the dramatic price swings of cryptocurrencies challenge their self-fashioning as a new form of money and reveal them instead as speculative assets and securities in need of regulation. While the preferential tax and regulatory treatment of cryptocurrencies hinges on their nominal currency status, it is ironically precisely their success as speculative assets that has undermined these claims. Finally, far from heralding a radical break with the past, electronic currencies serve as a reminder of the unresolved global politics of money since the 1970s. To support these three interrelated theses this chapter places the rise of cryptocurrencies in the historical context of the international politics of money between the end of the Bretton Woods system and the response to the 2008 Financial Crisis.


2017 ◽  
Vol 66 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-305 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nick Anstead

Employing a dataset of 1843 think tank publications containing 37 million words, computer-assisted text analysis was used to examine the idea of austerity in British politics between 2003 and 2013. Theoretically, the article builds on the ideational turn in political research. However, in contrast to much ideational work which argues that ideas are important at times of crisis because they can address uncertainty, this article argues that moments of crisis can lead to the reformulation of ideas. Empirically, this article demonstrates the transformation of the idea of austerity. Prior to the 2008 financial crisis, austerity was largely understood either in historical terms or as a practice applied in other countries. In the aftermath of the crisis, both the political right and left attempted to co-opt the idea of austerity for their own ends, combining it with various other ideational strands on which they have historically drawn.


Author(s):  
John L. Campbell

This book is about how Donald Trump, who had no prior public service, became president of the United States. It argues that Trump capitalized on a wave of increasing public discontent that stemmed from the demise of the country’s Golden Age of prosperity. This involved decades-long trends in the American economy, race relations, ideology, and political polarization, all of which fueled rising discontent across America. It reached a tipping point by the time Barack Obama was elected president. When the 2008 financial crisis hit and Obama was elected the first African American president, he tried to resolve the crisis and fix the nation’s ailing health care system. But in doing so he pushed rising discontent over the edge. Political gridlock in Washington resulted. Discontent skyrocketed. Americans were fed up and looked for a savior. Trump was lucky to be in the right place at the right time and rode that wave of discontent all the way to the White House.


Author(s):  
John L. Campbell ◽  
John A. Hall

This concluding chapter summarizes the book's main findings, showing how vulnerability can increase national solidarity allowing institutions to be built that work for a country's collective benefit, allowing it to stay afloat when a crisis strikes. Denmark, Ireland, and Switzerland exemplify the book's argument about the paradox of vulnerability, albeit with interesting nuances in the Irish and Swiss cases. The chapter also considers the differences in the ways that the three nation-states handled the 2008 financial crisis before turning to additional cases to see whether the book's argument can withstand further scrutiny. In particular, it discusses the experiences of Greece and Iceland in handling the 2008 financial crisis, noting that the former demonstrated little resilience in the face of the crisis and that thick institutions played a pivotal role in its resolution in the latter.


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