More than good executives: The teaching mission of Confucian political leaders

2020 ◽  
Vol 46 (9) ◽  
pp. 1017-1032
Author(s):  
Jingcai Ying

Emboldened by the rise of China, a meritocratic trend has surged in recent Confucian political theory. Confucian meritocracy is upheld as an equally viable alternative, if not a superior one, to democracy because many think that the latter’s populist vices do not exist in the former’s hierarchical, managerial political structure. This article addresses this seemingly dichotomous relationship between democracy and Confucian meritocracy by drawing on Zhu Xi (1130–1200 AD). I demonstrate those overlooked egalitarian qualities inherent in Confucian meritocracy, which can render it naturally compatible with democracy. Thus, an accurate understanding of Confucian meritocracy requires us not to see it as an opposite of democracy. Rather, Confucian meritocracy actually fosters moral growth in the populace by encouraging them to participate in politics under the instruction of their political leaders, who are to be guided by two egalitarian pedagogical principles, that is, universal inclusion and student participation.

Author(s):  
Alex J. Bellamy

This chapter looks to the future and asks whether the low incidence of mass atrocities experienced in the first decades of the twenty-first century is here to stay. There is nothing inevitable about the current trend and it could certainly be reversed, but the factors that facilitated the region’s transformation in the first place are likely to continue to push political leaders away from perpetrating atrocities. As a result, mass atrocities are likely to remain rare and exceptional for the foreseeable future. To understand just how resilient, this chapter examines five potential challenges: great power conflict sparked by the rise of China, challenges to political authority in non-democratic states, the risk of nationalism caused by a sustained economic downturn, challenges to state consolidation stemming from non-state armed groups and violent extremists, and heightened competition for resources and territory in a context of climate change.


Author(s):  
Cinzia Arruzza

A Wolf in the City is a study of tyranny and of the tyrant’s soul in Plato’s Republic. It argues that Plato’s critique of tyranny is an intervention in an ancient debate concerning the sources of the crisis of Athenian democracy and the relation between political leaders and the demos in the last decades of the fifth century BCE. The book shows that Plato’s critique of tyranny should not be taken as a veiled critique of the Syracusan tyrannical regime but, rather, as an integral part of his critique of Athenian democracy. The book also offers an in-depth and detailed analysis of all three parts of the tyrant’s soul, and contends that this approach is necessary to both fully appraise the complex psychic dynamics taking place in the description of the tyrannical man and shed light on Plato’s moral psychology and its relation with his political theory.


2019 ◽  
Vol 75 (2) ◽  
pp. 137-154
Author(s):  
Sanjeev Kumar

In recent years, there has been a rise in China’s profile in South Asia. It is no surprise that Chinese experts have used terms, such as ‘new springtime’ in China–South Asia relations, ‘rediscovery of the strategic status of South Asia’ and ‘most relevant region with regard to the rise of China’.    The objective of this article is to examine the nature and drivers of China’s South Asia policy, especially under the leadership of Xi Jinping vis-à-vis China’s policy towards the region in the past. It is not sufficient to only examine international factors or foreign and security policy in the context of the neighbouring region, such as South Asia. China’s ‘domestic periphery’ presents a significant threat to its national security. These areas are linked to neighbouring countries of South Asia and Central Asia. The announcement by Chinese President Xi Jinping of a ‘New Era’ or ‘third era’ in the history of Communist Party of China (CPC) represents a China which is known for its dictum ‘striving for achievement’ ( fenfa youwei). This is different from the second era’s policy of ‘keeping a low profile and biding the time’ proposed by Deng Xiaoping. Of course, the name of Mao Zedong is synonymous with the first era beginning from 1949.


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