The under-funding of Latinx-serving school districts

2020 ◽  
Vol 101 (6) ◽  
pp. 40-46
Author(s):  
Bruce Baker ◽  
Robert Cotto

An analysis of school district spending across the U.S. reveals 66 districts where the students face much greater needs than in surrounding districts (i.e., child poverty is more than 20% higher) but where per-pupil spending is less than 90% of the region’s average. This not only means that they have less money to spend on children who require more expensive services and supports, but it also puts them at a competitive disadvantage when it comes to hiring and retaining high-quality teachers and staff from the local area. These districts tend to be located in small to mid-size cities, and they serve disproportionately large numbers of Latinx students.

2021 ◽  
pp. 155545892110451
Author(s):  
Catherine Robert

Teachers who are married to other teachers within a school district often experience their personal life events in full view of the school community. How should a principal respond when a math teacher wants to leave due to her divorce, knowing that math teachers are hard to find? Challenges in this case for campus principals and human resource administrators include (a) hiring high-quality teachers in a tight labor pool, (b) providing new teacher induction, and (c) evaluating and responding to performance issues of teachers during times of high emotional stress.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 63-102
Author(s):  
Barbara Biasi

Compensation of most US public school teachers is rigid and solely based on seniority. This paper studies the effects of a reform that gave school districts in Wisconsin full autonomy to redesign teacher pay schemes. Following the reform some districts switched to flexible compensation. Using the expiration of preexisting collective bargaining agreements as a source of exogenous variation in the timing of changes in pay, I show that the introduction of flexible pay raised salaries of high-quality teachers, increased teacher quality (due to the arrival of high-quality teachers from other districts and increased effort), and improved student achievement. (JEL J31, J45, J52, H75, I21)


2016 ◽  
Vol 93 (2) ◽  
pp. 4-16
Author(s):  
Brian Kovalesky

In the late 1950s and early 1960s, during the height of protests and actions by civil rights activists around de facto school segregation in the Los Angeles area, the residents of a group of small cities just southeast of the City of Los Angeles fought to break away from the Los Angeles City Schools and create a new, independent school district—one that would help preserve racially segregated schools in the area. The “Four Cities” coalition was comprised of residents of the majority white, working-class cities of Vernon, Maywood, Huntington Park, and Bell—all of which had joined the Los Angeles City Schools in the 1920s and 1930s rather than continue to operate local districts. The coalition later expanded to include residents of the cities of South Gate, Cudahy, and some unincorporated areas of Los Angeles County, although Vernon was eventually excluded. The Four Cities coalition petitioned for the new district in response to a planned merger of the Los Angeles City Schools—until this time comprised of separate elementary and high school districts—into the Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD). The coalition's strategy was to utilize a provision of the district unification process that allowed citizens to petition for reconfiguration or redrawing of boundaries. Unification was encouraged by the California State Board of Education and legislature in order to combine the administrative functions of separate primary and secondary school districts—the dominant model up to this time—to better serve the state's rapidly growing population of children and their educational needs, and was being deliberated in communities across the state and throughout Los Angeles County. The debates at the time over school district unification in the Greater Los Angeles area, like the one over the Four Cities proposal, were inextricably tied to larger issues, such as taxation, control of community institutions, the size and role of state and county government, and racial segregation. At the same time that civil rights activists in the area and the state government alike were articulating a vision of public schools that was more inclusive and demanded larger-scale, consolidated administration, the unification process reveals an often-overlooked grassroots activism among residents of the majority white, working-class cities surrounding Los Angeles that put forward a vision of exclusionary, smaller-scale school districts based on notions of local control and what they termed “community identity.”


2021 ◽  
pp. 097340822110125
Author(s):  
Cluny Mendez ◽  
Christopher L. Atkinson

The implementation of sustainability and green public procurement (GPP) initiatives in school districts has been the subject of some debate; questions over definitions and programme goals have led to inconsistency and concerns about programme achievements. The legitimacy of programmes rests not only with the announcement of policy by officials, but with adherence to policy and staff buy-in. This study examines barriers districts face, and makes recommendations based upon district experience on ways to successfully implement sustainability and GPP initiatives. A review of the literature on GPP and legitimacy in the execution of public functions within the education domain begins the study. Major components relative to best practices for GPP programmes are studied through the review of GPP-related documents from a school district in New Jersey considered as an exemplar of such programmes. Analysis of an interview with the district’s representatives suggests that, despite the normative approval such programmes receive, and widespread understanding of the rationale for pursuing such initiatives, there remain critical failings in implementation of these programmes, stemming from education, resourcing of initiatives and prioritization of green procurement in relation to other district priorities. The study concludes with lessons learned from this case, which is important given its positioning within New Jersey as an exemplar and recommendations for future research where work in this area is needed.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Ashley H. Jowell ◽  
Janine S. Bruce ◽  
Gabriela V. Escobar ◽  
Valeria M. Ordonez ◽  
Christina A. Hecht ◽  
...  

Abstract Objectives: To explore best practices and challenges in providing school meals during COVID-19 in a low-income, predominantly Latino, urban-rural region. Design: Semi structured interviews with school district stakeholders and focus groups with parents were conducted to explore school meal provision during COVID-19 from June to August 2020. Data was coded and themes were identified to guide analysis. Community organizations were involved in all aspects of study design, recruitment, data collection, and analysis. Setting: Six school districts in California’s San Joaquin Valley. Participants: School district stakeholders (n=11) included food service directors, school superintendents, and community partners (e.g., funders, food co-operative). Focus groups (n=6) were comprised of parents (n=29) of children participating in school meal programs. Results: COVID-19-related challenges for districts included developing safe meal distribution systems, boosting low participation, covering COVID-19-related costs, and staying informed of policy changes. Barriers for families included transportation difficulties, safety concerns, and a lack of fresh foods. Innovative strategies to address obstacles included pandemic-EBT, bus-stop delivery, community pick-up locations, batched meals, and leveraging partner resources. Conclusions: A focus on fresher, more appealing meals and greater communication between school officials and parents could boost participation. Districts that leveraged external partnerships were better equipped to provide meals during pandemic conditions. In addition, policies increasing access to fresh foods and capitalizing on USDA waivers could boost school meal participation. Finally, partnering with community organizations and acting upon parent feedback could improve school meal systems, and in combination with pandemic-EBT, address childhood food insecurity.


1995 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 549-563
Author(s):  
Oliver P. Rafferty

The political threat posed by the growth of Fenianism in Ireland in the late 1850s and early 1860s has generally been underplayed by much present-day historiography. Even contemporaries were not disposed to see American Fenianism as much of a danger to the constitutional stability of Ireland. The Dublin police authorities decided to recall sub-inspector Thomas Doyle from his surveillance work in America in July 1860. By that time Doyle had sent dozens of reports on Irish-American revolutionary activity. On the basis of his reports the authorities knew that John O'Mahony and Michael Dohney, both of 1848 notoriety, were prominently involved in Phoenix and Fenian conspiracy. They also knew the general points of the ‘phoenix theory’ that England's difficulty was Ireland's opportunity, that men were being recruited and drilled in large numbers in the U.S. for a possible invasion of Ireland, that ‘O'Mahony's theory [was] … to root out the Government, to cut down the landlords, and to confiscate the land of Ireland’, and that John Mitchel had gone to Paris as an agent for the ‘phoenix confederacy’ in the U.S.


2005 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 503-524 ◽  
Author(s):  
Massimo Craglia ◽  
Robert Haining ◽  
Paola Signoretta

High-intensity crime areas are areas where high levels of violent crime coexist with large numbers of offenders, thereby creating an area that may present significant policing problems. In an earlier paper, the authors analysed police perceptions of high-intensity crime areas, and now extend that earlier work by comparing the police's perception of where such areas are located with offence/offender data. They also report on the construction of predictive models that identify the area-specific attributes that explain the distribution of such areas. By focusing on the city of Sheffield, the authors draw on a wider range of local area data than was possible in the original paper, and also question how widespread such areas may be in Sheffield.


2017 ◽  
Vol 98 (8) ◽  
pp. 64-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maurice J. Elias ◽  
Samuel J. Nayman ◽  
Joan C. Duffell ◽  
Sarah A. Kim

Considering the key role of social-emotional and character development (SECD) competencies in college, career, and life success — and considering that many of those competencies are teachable — there is no excuse for failing to incorporate them systematically into our education system. That would be the equivalent of depriving children of oxygen. This article is addressed to the U.S. Secretary of Education and other education policymakers and offers them specific recommendations to guide policy that would yield high-quality programs of support for SECD in all schools.


2011 ◽  
Vol 113 (4) ◽  
pp. 735-754 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jamel K. Donnor

Background By a 5–4 margin, the U.S. Supreme Court in Parents Involved in Community Schools v. Seattle School District No. 1 declared that voluntary public school integration programs were unconstitutional. Citing the prospective harm that students and their families might incur from being denied admission to the high school of their choice, the Supreme Court declared that the plaintiffs, Parents Involved in Community Schools (PICS), had a valid claim of injury by asserting a interest in not being forced to compete for seats at certain high schools in a system that uses race as a deciding factor in many of its admissions decisions. Purpose The goal of the article is to discuss how conceptions of harm and fairness as articulated in Parents Involved in Community Schools v. Seattle School District No. 1 privilege the self-interests of White students and families over the educational needs of students of color. Research Design This article is a document analysis. Conclusions By referencing the Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka decision of 1954 (Brown I) to buttress its decision, the U.S. Supreme Court has determined that programmatic efforts to ensure students of color access to quality learning environments are inherently ominous. The dilemma moving forward for policy makers and scholars concerned with the educational advancement of students of color is not to develop new ways to integrate America's public schools or reconcile the gaps in the Supreme Court's logic, but rather to craft programs and policies for students of color around the human development and workforce needs of the global economy.


2015 ◽  
Vol 117 (9) ◽  
pp. 1-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward BuendÍA ◽  
Paul Humbert-Fisk

Background/Context Mayoral control of large city school districts has become the newest form of school district reorganization. Researchers have documented how real and perceived crises have propelled mayors in Chicago, Baltimore, and Washington DC, amongst others, to redefine the role of board governance by situating the operations of districts within mayoral governance portfolios. There is little research examining the role of suburban mayors in suburban school district secession movements. Demographic changes as well as tensions around funding and programs have prompted splits in suburban school districts within metropolitan regions that warrant study. Purpose This article examines the educational, demographic, and political dynamics that fueled the contest between suburban city mayors and school district leadership leading to the secession and fragmentation of the largest suburban school district in Utah. The authors sought to understand how this mayoral led secession activity interfaced with mayoral control activities in big cities. We also aimed to identify the parallels and departures that existed in the sources of tension in this case of suburban school district division and historic patterns of suburban political fragmentation, particularly, suburban cities’ creation of autonomous jurisdictions separating them legally and institutionally from urban school districts as a means of assuring clear racial divisions. Population/Participants The research participants included four mayors, two assistant mayors, four school district transition team members, six teachers as well as two school district administrators. Six focus groups comprised of four to six parents also participated. Research Design This study employed qualitative research methods as well as descriptive statistical data analysis. The researchers interviewed mayors as well as parent and community focus groups. Newspaper media pertaining to the events were collected and analyzed as triangulating data. The researchers also analyzed census data using Geographical Information Systems (GIS) software. Findings/Results The authors found that rapid demographic and financial shifts in school districts shared by multiple suburban cities can catalyze mayors to organize and act aggressively to split existing school districts. Strong city mayors were a key force propelling the modification of district governance structures through heightening the prominence of city borders and local control, even when the threats were neighboring middle-class cities composed of white residents. Mayors moved the region's political and educational dynamics one step closer to a mayoral control governance structure. The political, demographic, and economic relationships underlying these scenarios positioned suburban school district administration with few options in which to respond. Conclusions/Recommendations The authors conclude that these practices of division and appropriation by cities and their leadership will only diminish democratic processes of school governance and exacerbate social-class and racial segregation across suburban school districts over time. The authors recommend that regionally based governance bodies be formed that help maintain a regional perspective to educational policy.


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