scholarly journals Sylaba w gwarze Moravy e Epërme

2015 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 53-68
Author(s):  
Karolina Dargiel
Keyword(s):  
Initial Position ◽  
Consonant Clusters ◽  
Final Position ◽  
European Languages ◽  
Local Dialect

Syllable pattern in Morava e Epërme local dialect of AlbanianThis article summarizes the first part of a research on syllable pattern in Kosovo dialects. It attempts to answer the question, whether Kosovo dialects have one-peak syllable pattern, two-peak syllable pattern or maybe some other type. Facing many theories about the syllabic unit, that have been created until now, for our study we choose the sonority theory, which is a very comfortable model for formulating distributional rules of speech sounds.Standard Albanian language is untypical against other European languages. This is due to the fact that it tolerates two-peak homorganic consonant clusters [NO-] in word initial position (mb-, mp-, nd-, ŋg-, nʣ-, ɲɟ-). Two-peak clusters in word final position are not accepted; consonants are always separated by vowel [ә]. What we observe in Standard Albanian is rather one-peak syllable pattern, where the hierarchy of sonority in the syllable is obeyed, but the least sonorous nasal sonorants should be classified to the distributional group of obstruents. And how does it look like in other Albanian dialects?For our study we have chosen several Kosovo dialects, which seem the most relevant for the examined problems. In this article I deal with the local dialect of Morava e Epërme, where I have studied the following issues:[SO-] initial clusters (including clusters with liquids l and rr),*[-OS] final clusters,Clusters [-OSO-] with an interobstruental sonorant,Consonantal proclitics on strong morphological borders (t’, m’, n’, s’),Occurences of vowel [ә]. Does it have phoneme status in this local dialect?Can sonorants and obstruents be syllabic?Our study has proved, that [NO-] initial clusters have tendency for reduction: [mbyt], [ŋuʃt] instead of [mbyt], [ŋguʃt, whereas sporadic occurence of the two-peak initial clusters lO-, rrO- is phonetically conditioned (it means that this form occurs only after vowels [m‿ka‿ʎʃu:], [mu‿Rʣu:]).Final *[-OS] clusters in Morava e Epërme, as in the standard Albanian, are completely extinct (they are usually split by vowel [ә]: [vetәm ktu], [natәn], [θupәr]). Th same referes to the clusters [-OSO-], which usually occur with the syllabic sonorant or inserted vowel schwa [ә].Dialect of Morava e Epërme tolerates syllabic sonorants and in some contexts also syllabic obstruents.The vowel [ә] appears very often, but never in unmotivated position. Therefore we can conclude that this sound does not have the phoneme status in this dialect.Dialect of Morava e Epërme neither has the typical one-peak syllable pattern (it tolerates two-peak initial clusters), nor it has a two-peak syllable model (it does not tolerate two-peak final clusters). This local dialect can be classified, the same as standard Albanian, as a one with one-peak syllable pattern, where, however, nasal sonorants should be distributionally classified as obstruents (and not as sonorants).

Homophonous phonotactic and morphonotactic consonant clusters in word-final position

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hannah Leykum ◽  
Sylvia Moosmüller ◽  
Wolfgang U. Dressler
Keyword(s):  
Consonant Clusters ◽  
Final Position

scholarly journals Initial laryngeal neutralisation in Tyrolean

Phonology ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alessandro Vietti ◽  
Birgit Alber ◽  
Barbara Vogt
Keyword(s):  
Acoustic Analysis ◽  
Initial Position ◽  
Final Position ◽  
Acoustic Cues ◽  
Acoustic Parameters ◽  
Place Of Articulation ◽  
Closure Duration

In the Southern Bavarian variety of Tyrolean, laryngeal contrasts undergo a typologically interesting process of neutralisation in word-initial position. We undertake an acoustic analysis of Tyrolean stops in word-initial, word-medial intersonorant and word-final contexts, as well as in obstruent clusters, investigating the role of the acoustic parameters VOT, prevoicing, closure duration and F0 and H1–H2* on following vowels in implementing contrast, if any. Results show that stops contrast word-medially via [voice] (supported by the acoustic cues of closure duration and F0), and are neutralised completely in word-final position and in obstruent clusters. Word-initially, neutralisation is subject to inter- and intraspeaker variability, and is sensitive to place of articulation. Aspiration plays no role in implementing laryngeal contrasts in Tyrolean.

An Analysis of Students Problem To Pronounce Aspirated /P/, /T/, /K/ at Initial Position of English Words

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 92-98
Author(s):  
Widya Juli Astria
Keyword(s):  
Research Design ◽  
Initial Position ◽  
English Department ◽  
Final Position ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Learning English

The purpose of this research was to analyze the third semester students’ problem in learning English basic sounds pronunciation. The research design was case study. The data were collected by recording the students’ pronunciation. The subject of the research were the third Semester Students of English Department at Universitas Ekasakti). The result of the research was found that Each aspirated /p/, /t/, /k/ have two allophones, [ph] and [p], [th] and [t], [kh] and [k]. Then, all instances of [ph] occured immediately before a stressed vowel. It can be said that the following rule: /p/ becomes [ph] when it occured before a stressed vowel or initial position of English words. Moreover, aspirated /p/, /t/, /k/ sounds were really pronounced in two different ways. First, when these sounds came at the beginning of the word they are always followed by a puff of breath. Second, if aspirated /p/, /t/, and /k/ occur at the end of final position of English words, it is not necessary to pronounce them by following a puff of breath. In following there is a chart of aspirated /p/, /t/, /k/ sounds at initial position of English words

An Argument for Phonological Stress in French: the syntagm over contrast

2022 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Shanti Ulfsbjorninn
Keyword(s):  
Initial Position ◽  
Romance Languages ◽  
Final Position ◽  
Phonological Word ◽  
Word Stress ◽  
Minimal Pairs ◽  
French Word ◽  
Lively Debate

Abstract It is standardly assumed that French does not have word-stress, rather it has phrase-level prominence. I will advance a number of arguments, many of which have appeared already in the literature, that cumulatively suggest that French roots are characterized by phonological prominence, even if this is non-contrastive. By prominence, I mean a syntagmatically distributed strength that has all the phonological characteristics of stress in other Romance languages. I will remain agnostic about the nature of that stress, eschewing the lively debate about whether French has feet, and if so what type, and at what level. The structure of the argument is as follows. French demonstrably has phonological word-final strength but one wonders what the source of this strength is. Positionally, the initial position is strong and, independently of cases where it is reinforced by other factors, the final position is weak. I will argue, based on parallels with other Romance languages, that French word-final strength derives from root-final phonological stress. The broader significance of this conclusion is that syntagmatic properties are enough to motivate underlying forms, even in the absence of paradigmatic contrasts (minimal pairs).

Icelandic Children's Acquisition of Consonants and Consonant Clusters

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Thora Másdóttir ◽  
Sharynne McLeod ◽  
Kathryn Crowe
Keyword(s):  
First Language ◽  
Speech Sound ◽  
Clinical Importance ◽  
Initial Position ◽  
Consonant Clusters ◽  
Typically Developing ◽  
Consonant Cluster ◽  
Speech Sound Disorders ◽  
Germanic Languages ◽  
Comprehensive Study

Purpose This study investigated Icelandic-speaking children's acquisition of singleton consonants and consonant clusters. Method Participants were 437 typically developing children aged 2;6–7;11 (years;months) acquiring Icelandic as their first language. Single-word speech samples of the 47 single consonants and 45 consonant clusters were collected using Málhljóðapróf ÞM (ÞM's Test of Speech Sound Disorders). Results Percentage of consonants correct for children aged 2;6–2;11 was 73.12 ( SD = 13.33) and increased to 98.55 ( SD = 3.24) for children aged 7;0–7;11. Overall, singleton consonants were more likely to be accurate than consonant clusters. The earliest consonants to be acquired were /m, n, p, t, j, h/ in word-initial position and /f, l/ within words. The last consonants to be acquired were /x, r, r̥, s, θ, n̥/, and consonant clusters in word-initial /sv-, stl-, str-, skr-, θr-/, within-word /-ðr-, -tl-/, and word-final /-kl̥, -xt/ contexts. Within-word phonemes were more often accurate than those in word-initial position, with word-final position the least accurate. Accuracy of production was significantly related to increasing age, but not sex. Conclusions This is the first comprehensive study of consonants and consonant cluster acquisition by typically developing Icelandic-speaking children. The findings align with trends for other Germanic languages; however, there are notable language-specific differences of clinical importance.

Clause order and syntactic integration patterns in Dutch conditionals

2020 ◽  
Vol 37 ◽  
pp. 119-134
Author(s):  
Alex Reuneker
Keyword(s):  
Initial Position ◽  
Main Clause ◽  
Final Position ◽  
Corpus Study ◽  
Written Texts ◽  
Text Mode

Abstract Conditional clauses in Dutch can occur in sentence-initial and sentence-final position. For sentence-initial conditionals, a number of syntactic integration patterns are available. This corpus study investigates to what extent clause order and syntactic integration are associated with text mode (spoken, written) and register (formal, informal). Sentence-initial position of the conditional clause is shown to be most frequent in both modes and registers, although sentence-final position is more frequent than one would expect based on the literature, especially in written texts. The distribution of syntactic integration patterns shows a clear difference between modes, as full integration of the conditional clause into the main clause is most frequent in written texts, whereas the use of the resumptive element dan (‘then’) is most frequent in spoken texts.

Dysarthria of Adult Cerebral Palsy

1980 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. J. Platt ◽  
Gavin Andrews ◽  
Pauline M. Howie
Keyword(s):  
Cerebral Palsy ◽  
Speech Intelligibility ◽  
Confusion Matrix ◽  
Initial Position ◽  
Final Position ◽  
Single Word ◽  
Speech Task ◽  
Position Errors ◽  
Confusion Matrices

The articulation errors of 32 spastic and 18 athetoid males, aged 17–55 years, were analyzed using a confusion matrix paradigm. The subjects had a diagnosis of congenital cerebral palsy, and adequate intelligence, hearing, and ability to perform the speech task. Phonetic transcriptions were made of single-word utterances which contained 49 selected phonemes: 22 word-initial consonants, 18 word-final consonants and nine vowels. Errors of substitution, omission and distortion were categorized on confusion matrices such that patterns could be observed. It was found that within-manner errors (place or voicing errors or both) exceeded between-manner errors by a substantial amount, more so on final consonants. The predominant within-manner errors occurred on fricative phonemes for both initial and final positions. Affricate within-manner errors, all of devoicing, were also frequent in final position. The predominant between-manner initial position errors involved liquid-to-glide and affricate-to-stop changes, and for final position, affricate-to-fricative. Phoneme omission occurred three times more frequently on final than on initial consonants. The error data of individual subjects were found to correspond with the identified overall group patterns. Those with markedly reduced speech intelligibility demonstrated the same patterns of error as the overall group. The implications for treatment are discussed.

Did murmur spread in Pre-Proto-Indo-European?

2014 ◽  
Vol 119 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-158
Author(s):  
Charles M. Barrack ◽  
Daniel R. McCloy ◽  
Richard A. Wright
Keyword(s):  
Initial Position ◽  
Statistical Evidence ◽  
Stop Consonants ◽  
Linguistic Typology ◽  
European Languages

Abstract The reconstructed stop consonants of Proto-Indo-European (PIE) present something of an anomaly from the perspective of linguistic typology. Whereas murmured (breathy-voiced) stops are cross-linguistically rare (indeed, they are non-existent in nine of the ten historic branches of the Indo-European languages), they are more widespread in the lexicon of PIE than their plain-voiced counterparts. In this paper we present statistical evidence to establish that the preponderance of murmured stops in PIE is atypical, and propose a novel explanation for their distribution: namely, that murmur - already present in pre-Proto-Indo- European - was in the process of spreading through the PIE lexicon to the plainvoiced stops especially in initial position. We suggest some possible phonetic mechanisms that may have given rise to the spread of murmur.

Preservation and deletion in Mandarin loanword adaptation

2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 214-243
Author(s):  
Tae-Eun Kim
Keyword(s):  
Initial Position ◽  
Consonant Clusters ◽  
Loanword Adaptation ◽  
Close Relationship ◽  
Mandarin Speakers

This paper is about how English inputs that are not allowed in the native Mandarin phonology are adapted to Mandarin phonotactics in Mandarin loanwords. The focus of the discussion is on whether or not the elements in the inputs are preserved or deleted and what causes the phenomena. Through analyses of English consonant adaptation in Mandarin loanwords, the functions of both borrowers’ perception and the native Mandarin phonology are consistently found. The high preservation of the nasal consonants in any syllabic position clearly shows the functions, in that the salient segments are usually preserved and the acceptance of nasal codas in Mandarin phonology makes Mandarin speakers easily perceive the nasal sounds even in the coda positions. Furthermore, English /m/ and /n/ in the final positions are usually differently adapted into Mandarin loanwords. English /m/ mostly forms an independent syllable by vowel insertion while /n/ is mostly adapted into the coda nasal of the preceding syllable (e.g., English loam → Mandarin lú-mǔ, English pint → Mandarin pǐn-tuō). This tendency is due to the function of Mandarin phonology, because a nasal /n/ is allowed as a coda consonant, but /m/ is not allowed. The high deletion of English /ɹ/ in the coda or in the consonant clusters also supports the argument. The English /ɹ/, except in the initial position, is not easily perceived due to its own vowel-like quality and the fact that it is a non-Mandarin phoneme. Lastly, the higher preservation of consonants in the initial clusters than in the final clusters also shows the close relationship between perception and Mandarin phonology. Even though Mandarin does not allow consonant clusters in any position, final consonant clusters should be harder for Mandarin speakers to perceive. The reason is that in Mandarin phonology, consonants usually do not come in the final positions while all the consonants except /ŋ/ can come in the initial positions. More frequent deletion of consonants in final CCC clusters than in CC clusters can be identically explained.

Positional Transference and Sound Learning

1972 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 371-374 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seline Stein Hirsch ◽  
John M. Panagos
Keyword(s):  
Initial Position ◽  
Final Position ◽  
The Third ◽  
Positive Transference ◽  
Sound Learning

3 groups of naive adults were tested on their pronunciations of a foreign sound after one received no phonetic pretraining, another practiced the sound in the initial position, and the third learned it in the final. A significant positive transference effect indicated that practicing an unknown sound in the initial position facilitates its pronunciation in the final position.

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