scholarly journals Grupy etniczne, sprawcy i ofiary

2012 ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
Steffen Hänschen

Ethnic groups, offenders and victimsThe propagandist portrayals of the past, present in the discourse for years, still influence discussions on the memory of the acts of violence committed by the Soviet and the Nazi regimes in Eastern Europe. Problems arise from the fact that the dividing line between the victims and the perpetrators is not always clear. What is more, the fortunes of individual participants have received only marginal attention. Snyder, in his book Bloodlands, accomplished a formidable task and adequately depicted the suffering of the people in the region, however, the comparison between the USSR and Nazi Germany still remains quite superficial. The repressive policies of both regimes were targeted mainly at ethnic minorities. The perpetrators' motivations and their ideological background supported the interests of the regimes. The political configuration in Bloodlands, however, was too complex to be fit into a dualistic, ethnically orientated, concept.

Author(s):  
Nurit Yaari

This chapter examines the lack of continuous tradition of the art of the theatre in the history of Jewish culture. Theatre as art and institution was forbidden for Jews during most of their history, and although there were plays written in different times and places during the past centuries, no tradition of theatre evolved in Jewish culture until the middle of the nineteenth century. In view of this absence, the author discusses the genesis of Jewish theatre in Eastern Europe and in Eretz-Yisrael (The Land of Israel) since the late nineteenth century, encouraged by the Jewish Enlightenment movement, the emergence of Jewish nationalism, and the rebirth of Hebrew as a language of everyday life. Finally, the chapter traces the development of parallel strands of theatre that preceded the Israeli theatre and shadowed the emergence of the political infrastructure of the future State of Israel.


Author(s):  
Robert St. Clair

weChapter 4 takes up the question of poetry and engagement at its most explicit and complex in Rimbaud, focusing on a long, historical epic entitled “Le Forgeron.” We read this poem, which recreates and re-imagines a confrontation between the People in revolt and Louis XVI in the summer of 1792, as Rimbaud’s attempt to add a revolutionary supplement to the counter-epics modeled by Victor Hugo in Châtiments. Chapter 4 shows how Rimbaud’s “Forgeron” challenges us to examine the ways in which a poem might seek “to enjamb” the caesura between poiesis and praxis by including and complicating revolutionary (counter)history into its folds in order to implicate itself in the political struggles of its time.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-36
Author(s):  
Ridwan - Mubarok

For every Muslim, the role of civilization is identical to authentic mission as a leader as a leader in this earth, whose role is greater than leading a province or country. The participation of ulama, dai or da'wah movements in the political sphere is his right, but the missionary movement or organization must also be aware of and be aware of people or persons who want to manipulate da'wah as a vehicle for world politics. Da'wah movements or dai must be able to use various life instruments that exist today for the sake of da'wah. Ulama and the da'i who join in the organization movement or da'wah movement, must realize that they are part of the chain of struggle of the people. Now is the time for da'i or ulama to proclaim themselves from the past fetters that castrated the political life of the scholars.Bagi setiap muslim, peran peradaban identik dengan misi otentik sebagai pemimpin sebagai pemimpin dimuka bumi ini, yang perannya lebih besar dibandingkan memimpin sebuah provinsi atau negara. Keikutsertaan para ulama, dai atau gerakan dakwah dalam ranah politik merupakan haknya, akan tetapi gerakan atau organisasi dakwah juga harus menyadari serta mewaspadai terhadap orang atau oknum yang hendak memperalat dakwah sebagai kendaraan politik dunia. Gerakan dakwah ataupun para dai harus dapat menggunakan berbagai instrument kehidupan yang ada saat ini untuk kepentingan dakwah. Ulama maupun para da’i yang bergabung dalam gerakan organisasi atau gerakan dakwah, harus menyadari bahwasanya dirinya merupakan bagian dari mata rantai perjuangan umat. Kini sudah saatnya para da’i ataupun ulama dapat memproklamirkan diri dari belenggu masa lalu yang mengebiri kehidupan politik para ulama, PPP menjadi salah satu alternatif.


1974 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 5-7

During the past forty years the dominant preoccupation of scholars writing on Livy has been the relationship between the historian and the emperor Augustus, and its effects on the Ab Urbe Condita. Tacitus’ testimony that the two were on friendly terms, and Suetonius’ revelation that Livy found time to encourage the historical studies of the future emperor Claudius, appeared to have ominous overtones to scholars writing against the political backcloth of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. Though the subject had not been wholly ignored previously, the success of the German cultural propaganda-machine stimulated a spate of approving or critical treatments. While some were hailing Livy as the historian whose work signalled and glorified the new order, others following a similar interpretation were markedly scathing.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aa Wasi'a

ABSTRACTDemocracy in the perspective of Islamic education so far has no concrete definition, the difference between western democracy and islamic democracy, as well as the implementation of democracy that is not in accordance with Islamic teachings, then the problem that will arise is how democracy according to Islamic teachings? How is democracy in Islamic government? And to what extent is the relationship between democracy and Islamic religious education?In the age before Islam entered the people of ethnic groups and nationalities and the existing ties were blood ties. But after the teachings of Islam enter the bonds that apply are religious ties. This is in accordance with the word of Allah Surah Al-Hujrat: 13, Sura Al-Imron: 26 and 159 and Sura As-Shura: 38.Democracy according to Islam is often synonymous with the word musyawarah (shura), largely functioning as a form of government. Even though the reality is actually wider, it functions to all aspects of Islamic life.The democratic system in determining leadership and procedures for appointing leaders according to the Islamic concept as well as the thoughts of scholars on the concept of democracy shows that there are significant differences between western democracy and Islamic democracy, among the differences are western democracy, the highest power belongs only to the people, whereas in Islamic democracy The highest power is in the hands of God (Allah) and the Shari'ah of the past and the people are only as kholifah (representatives) of Allah to manage and manage the State while still relying on the Al-Quran and Sunnah. also Islamic lawThe relationship between democracy and Islamic religious education is very close because in education there is one of the principles of education, namely the understanding of democracy and Islam always puts forward the principle of deliberation in deciding everything.Keywords: Islamic and western democracy, Islamic Government System and Islamic Religious Education


2015 ◽  
pp. 37-50
Author(s):  
Iemima D. Ploscariu

The struggle of Fortinbras and Horatio in Romania: removal and re-collection of the communist past in Romanian museumsOver twenty years after the dismantling of communist regimes began in Central and Eastern Europe, the governments and people in these former Soviet bloc countries are faced with varying and often opposing ways to approach and present the communist past. Focusing on post-1989 museums in Romania, especially the Sighet Museum in Sighetul Marmaţiei and the Romanian Peasant Museum in Bucharest, the article will examine three themes that appear in museum exhibitions of Romanian communist history: the marginalization of the communist past, the victimization of a nation, and the need by curators to “rescue memory.” these approaches to the communist past leave a great deal out. Limited and biased portraits hinder a healthy coming to terms with the past initially intended by these institutions in Romania and similar institutions across Central and Eastern Europe. However, some attempts have been made to bring in more voices and face the past on its own terms apart from the political motivation or desires for retribution, which often motivate the current interpretation of the past. Walka Fortynbrasa z Horacym w Rumunii: likwidacja i ponowne przypomnienie komunistycznej przeszłości w rumuńskich muzeachPo ponad 20 latach od chwili, gdy zaczęły się rozpadać komunistyczne reżimy w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej, rządy i społeczeństwa byłych krajów bloku sowieckiego doświadczają odmiennych, często przeciwstawnych podejść do komunistycznej przeszłości i sposobów jej przedstawiania. Skupiając swą uwagę na muzeach w Rumunii po roku 1989, zwłaszcza Miejscu Pamięci Ofiar Komunizmu i Ruchu Oporu w Sighetu Marmaţiei (Syhot Marmaroski) oraz Muzeum Chłopstwa Rumuńskiego w Bukareszcie, autorka niniejszego artykułu analizuje trzy zagadnienia, które przewijają się w muzealnych ekspozycjach poświęconych dziejom Rumunii w czasach komunistycznych; są to: marginalizacja komunistycznej przeszłości, wiktymizacja narodu i potrzeba „ocalenia pamięci” przez kustoszy. Powyższe podejścia do komunistycznej przeszłości ignorują wiele kwestii. Niepełny i tendencyjny obraz opóźnia zatem dojście do ładu z przeszłością na zdroworozsądkowych zasadach, co w myśl początkowych założeń miało w Rumunii nastąpić dzięki muzeom, jak też dzięki podobnym placówkom w całej Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej. Jednakże podejmowane są wciąż nowe próby, aby dopuścić do głosu więcej różnych opinii i stawić czoło przeszłości niezależnie od motywacji politycznych bądź dążenia do zemsty, które często stoją za bieżącymi interpretacjami przeszłości.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 136-162
Author(s):  
Barbara Christophe

Comparing narratives of the Soviet occupation in 1940 in current textbooks by two leading Lithuanian publishing houses, I claim that Lithuanian textbooks offer diverging accounts, which mirror to a large extent the opposing mnemonic frames supported by two rival political camps. I also show that the same textbooks tame those differences by transcending the politically charged frames they have chosen in the first place, presenting, for example, the USSR as both villain and victim of the war. Considering the relevance of these findings for our understanding of dynamics of remembering in general and in the Lithuanian culture of memory in particular, I point out that embracing the political inherent in all acts of recalling the past does not necessarily lead to politicized, i.e. narrow-minded memories, and I reflect on what these mnemonic practices mean for reevaluating the traditional role of Eastern Europe as the backward other of Western Europe.


Author(s):  
Johann Chapoutot

This introductory chapter examines the scope of the relationship between National Socialism and antiquity, a topic that historians appear to neglect despite the fact that there have been precedents as to the political use of history—appealing to the past to justify political power in the present—which is a frequent phenomenon, all the more so in totalitarian regimes that seek to anchor their revolutionary political intentions in the depths of historical precedent. The possibilities afforded by the past appear, moreover, to have held great significance for National Socialism. Nazi Germany had coveted and revered the past as a sacred place of origin.


1997 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 715-728
Author(s):  
Brunon Synak

The political changes which started in Central and Eastern Europe in 1989 have exposed the real ethnic faces of these societies. It has become obvious that the population of these countries were not homogeneous “socialist nations.” During the post-repressive period some ethnic prejudice re-appeared—both between nations and between ethnic groups within these countries.


Author(s):  
Галина Викторовна Сёмина

В статье автор исходит из понимания феномена культуры (как в искусстве, так и в философии) как культуры, способной жить и развиваться только в одновременном диалоге с другими культурами, который В.С. Библер назвал «культурологическим парадоксом». В процессе проведенного исследования выстроено понимание того, что культура есть мир «вещей», основанный на диалоге их создателей не только с людьми настоящего, но и с последующими поколениями, так как рассказывают потомкам о мировоззрении прошедшей эпохи, о ценностях культуры предков, о мировидении создателей произведений. Автор считает этот аспект достаточно важным и значимым для решения проблем по дальнейшему сохранению культурного наследия народов Северного Кавказа в глобализирующемся мире, стремящемся к всеобщей унификации и нивелирующим тем самым самобытность культур этносов. Культурфилософский анализ предметов как «вещей» способствует выявлению их смыслов, несущих на себе печать человека как homo faber, как созерцателя и как пользователя, которому не только открыто их предназначение, но и без которого в принципе невозможно их существование. В качестве примера рассмотрены узорные карачаево-балкарские ковры - кийизы. Проведена сравнительная параллель между возможными интерпретациями орнаментальных мотивов жыйгыч кийизов - узких полосок, покрывавших полки в патриархальных жилищах этих этносов, и предполагаемым диалогом с Другим. Материал дает основание сделать вывод о том, что эти ковры-занавеси «читаются» по типу «культурного текста» - неких закодированных таким образом посланий предков. In the paper, the author proceeds from the understanding of the phenomenon of culture (both in art and in philosophy), as a culture capable of living and developing only in a simultaneous dialogue with other cultures, which V.S. Bibler called "a cultural paradox". In the process of the study, the understanding is built that culture is a world of "things", basing on the dialogue of their creators not only with the people of the present, but also with subsequent generations. They tell descendants about the worldview of the past era, about the values of ancestral culture, about the worldview of the creators of works. The author considers this aspect important and significant enough to solve the problems of further preserving the cultural heritage of the peoples of the North Caucasus in a globalizing world, striving for universal unification and thereby leveling the identity of ethnic cultures. Cultural-philosophical analysis of objects as "things" helps to identify their meanings, bearing the stamp of a human being, as a homo faber, as a contemplator and as a user, to whom not only their purpose is open, but also without which, in principle, their existence is impossible. The patterned Karachay-Balkarian rugs - kiyizes - are considered as an example. A comparative parallel was drawn between possible interpretations of the ornamental motifs of the zhyigych kiyizes -narrow strips covering shelves in the patriarchal dwellings of these ethnic groups, and the alleged dialogue with the Other. The material gives reason to conclude that these curtain rugs are "read" according to the type of "cultural text" which is a kind of coded message from the ancestors.


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