scholarly journals Stanisław Bułak-Bałachowicz. Postać, która mogła połączyć narody byłego Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego, a jednak ich nie połączyła

2017 ◽  
Vol 41 ◽  
pp. 77-155
Author(s):  
Joanna Gierowska-Kałłaur

Stanisław Bułak-Bałachowicz. He who could have united the nations of the former Grand Duchy of Lithuania, yet did notRevered, fluent in all Borderland languages, an excellent soldier; Stanisław Bułak-Bałachowicz, back when he was a subordinate of Nikolai Yudenich, tried to rename the unit under his command to the "People's Army", or in other words, the Territorial or National Army. The territorial understanding of "Belarusness", in conjunction with the nearly atavistic antibolshevism of Bałachowicz, were a great asset in Józef Piłsudski's new political combination. Piłsudski decided to benefit from Savinkov's idealistic approach for his own purpose. The Russian Political Committee, Bałachowicz's troops and the statements of Vyacheslav Adamovich (father) were to support the establishment of Belarus for Belarusians. Not under Kaunas and Berlin, nor a Soviet one. A “Third Belarus”. A Belarus friendly towards Poland. Following discussions with Savinkov, the builder of the "Third Russia", Piłsudski engaged himself after 6 March 1920 (Millerand Note) in supporting (inter alia financially) the Russian Political Committee. Based on the agreement of the Polish Supreme Command with B.V. Savinkov, all Russian formations on the Polish territory were subordinated politically to B. Savinkov. On 27 August 1920, on the orders of the Supreme Command, Bałachowicz entered a secret agreement with Savinkov. They both were also to seek convening the Constituent Assembly, providing land for the people and democracy, and to create a Union of Nations (i.e., a federation). In the event of Bałachowicz's unit succeeding "deeper into Russian territory", the local government and the administrative board were to be founded on his authority. This is how Bułak-Bałachowicz was to become the executor of the first phase of Piłsudski's new "concept for Belarus". Stanisław Bułak-Bałachowicz. Postać, która mogła połączyć narody byłego Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego, a jednak ich nie połączyłaDarzony powszechnym szacunkiem przez sobie współczesnych, posługujący się wszystkimi kresowymi językami, świetny żołnierz – Stanisław Bułak-Bałachowicz jeszcze jako podkomendny Mikołaja Judenicza, starał się o przemianowanie dowodzonego przez siebie oddziału na „Armię Ludową”, inaczej ujmując, Armię Terytorialną lub Krajową. Terytorialnym rozumieniem „białoruskości”, powiązanym z atawistycznym antybolszewizmem Bałachowicza, posłużył się Józef Piłsudski w swojej nowej kombinacji politycznej. Piłsudski postanowił wykorzystać nadarzające się romantyczne marzenie Sawinkowa o Trzeciej Rosji dla własnego celu. Rosyjski Komitet Polityczny, szable Bałachowicza i oświadczenia Wiaczesława Adamowicza ojca (Mozyrz, listopad 1920 r.) miały posłużyć do budowy – Białorusi dla Białorusinów. Nie „kowieńsko-berlińskiej” i nie „sowieckiej”. „Trzeciej Białorusi”. Białorusi przyjaznej Polsce. W wyniku rozmów z Sawinkowem, budowniczym „Trzeciej Rosji”, po 6 marca 1920 r. (tzw. Nota Milleranda) Piłsudski zaangażował się we wspieranie (również finansowe) Rosyjskiego Komitetu Politycznego. Na podstawie umowy Polskiego Naczelnego Dowództwa z B. W. Sawinkowem wszystkie formacje rosyjskie na terytorium Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej zostały podporządkowane politycznie B. Sawinkowowi. 27 sierpnia 1920 r. z rozkazu Naczelnego Dowództwa Bałachowicz zawarł z Sawinkowem tajną umowę. Obaj z Sawinkowem dążyć mieli do zwołania w przyszłości Zgromadzenia Ustawodawczego, ziemi dla ludu, demokracji i utworzenia Związku Narodów (federacji). W przypadku posunięcia się oddziału Bułak-Bałachowicza „w głąb terytorium rosyjskiego” miały być przy nim zorganizowane samorząd lokalny i zarząd administracyjny. Właśnie w ten sposób Bułak-Bałachowicz miał być wykonawcą kolejnego „pomysłu” J. Piłsudskiego „na Białoruś”.

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 181-187
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Ziober

AbstractThe activity of representatives of the elites of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, which sought equality with the Crowners, but also the defense of their prerogatives was present from the first days after the signing of the Lublin Union. Analyzing this issue, it should be remembered that the Crown and Lithuania were separated state bodies, which union did not merge into one country, but formed a federal state. They were characterized by a separate treasury, army, offices, judiciary, law, local government institutions, i.e. basically everything that determines the administrative independence of the country. Lithuanians wanted to guarantee the same rights as the Crown nobility had, however, remaining separate. Thus, offices were established having the same prerogatives in the Crown and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, such as the Grand and Field Hetman, Chancellor and Vice-Chancellors, Treasurer and Grand and Court Marshal, as well as a number of land and town dignities and dignitaries. The first of these were allocated appropriate seats in the senate, behind their crown counterparts, which caused quarrels between Poles and Lithuanians. However, manifestations of activity guaranteeing and “reminding” Poles of Lithuania’s separateness from the Crown were evident throughout the entire existence of the federal Commonwealth.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-107
Author(s):  
Arnaud Parent

AbstractIn the Commonwealth of the Two Nations, significant legal texts were implemented under the rule of King Stanislaw August, the most important being the Constitution of May 3, 1791, adopted during the Four-Year Sejm (1788-1792). Its framers faced numerous challenges, first, because then only nobles were considered as constituting the Republic, one was to define who should be considered as a member of the People, who could be elected deputy to the Sejm, and at which condition. Second, since the 1569 Union of Lublin the Commonwealth is made of two distinct states: Poland (the Crown) and the Grand-Duchy of Lithuania, drafters had to handle Lithuanian statehood in a Constitution, which was primarily seen as a way to enhance unification of the two nations. Third, the Grand-Duchy of Lithuania having its own legislation, enclosed in the Lithuanian statute, (adopted in 1529, followed with a Second Statute in 1566, and a Third Statute in 1588), the question of its maintaining or not too had to be taken into consideration by framers. We hope that considering how these different issues were handled will shed a new light on the permanence of Lithuanian laws and political tradition in the May 3 Constitution.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-37
Author(s):  
Úrsula A. Aragunde-Kohl ◽  
Yahaira Segarra-González ◽  
Liza M. Meléndez-Samó ◽  
Ivemarie Hernández-Rivera ◽  
Carolina Quiles-Peña

Abstract The purpose of this research was to better understand the beliefs and practices that the residents of Puerto Rico have regarding cockfighting, including their perception of the recently passed prohibition against nonhuman animal fighting on the island. It had an exploratory descriptive design consisting of three phases, where the qualitative data obtained from phase one would guide the process of identifying variables that could be measured. In the second phase, an instrument was developed, and in the third, it was administered. Most of the participants agreed with the prohibition of cockfighting in Puerto Rico and that it was necessary. The data showed that there is a disconnect between what the federal government of the United States legislated, what the local government and agencies that were supposed to enforce the prohibition did with the legislation, and what the people directly affected by the legislation received for education and guidance.


Author(s):  
O. Yashchuk

The article is devoted to the problem of representations of supreme authority in the Belarusian-Lithuanian chronicles through a prism of the notices about the gaining and deprivation of the power of the ruler. The author analyzed the first redaction of the Belarusian-Lithuanian chronicles that containing the "Chronicle of the Grand Dukes of Lithuania”, the second redaction that containing the "Chronicle of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania” and the third redaction ("Bychowiec Chronicle”). The study highlighted several ways of the supreme authority’s legitimation: by right of establishment, by right of inheritance, by right of conquest, by the acceptance of the local population, by the electoral way, by the coup if the organizers of it belonging to the ruling dynasty. It should be noted that the way of justifying the right to power through to underscores of blood ties and prince's enthronement of the son of the previous ruler or less often brother is the main way of gaining the power in the chronicles. The article gives a detailed analysis of features of the chronicle notices about the coronation of the representatives of the Gediminids dynasty. In addition, the notices about the deprivation of the authority usually as a result of the death of the ruler are investigated in the article. Notices of the death of the ruler in contradistinction to notices about the enthronement are mainly the fact statements. In the most complete form, the notes of the death of the ruler include the information about a long successful reign, facts of the ruler death and information about the birth and enthronement of the successor.


Scrinium ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Maria Korogodina ◽  
Aleksey Sergeev ◽  
Aleksey Sirenov

Abstract The “Master of Rhodes Letter”, which tells of the birth of the Antichrist, was one of the most popular eschatological writings in Europe in the 15th century. This pseudo-epistle was translated from Latin into Russian in the middle of the 15th century in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania by Feofil Dederkin, an informant for the Grand Duke of Moscow Vasily Vasilyevich. Previously only one letter from Dederkin to the Grand Duke Vasily Vasilyevich was known: a translation from Latin describing the earthquakes in Italy in 1456. The “Master of Rhodes Letter” was translated a second time into Ukrainian from Latin in the 1630s, during a time when the Orthodox hierarchy in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth resisted the adoption of the Union of Brest. The third translation was made from English into Russian at beginning of the 18th century, and was believed by Metropolitan Job of Novgorod to be the work of Old Believers.


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-60
Author(s):  
Adam Stankevič

This article gives an analysis of the punishment the noble courts of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania applied to murderers in the second half of the 18th century, where the noble courts acted as courts of first instance in hearing murder cases. The author aims to determine the catalogue of punishments applied in such cases and the trends in the application of punishments in terms of how they conformed with the valid legal norms of the day, and search for manifestations of the humanisation of the law. After an examination of 184 verdicts, the author found that in cases of wilful murder, the noble courts usually applied the death penalty as per the set laws. Exceptions applied only to individuals from the estate of nobles, who instead of receiving a death sentence were sometimes sentenced to lower or upper tower punishment, which was by law ordinarily applied to other crimes. At the same time, the executors avoided qualified ways of applying the death sentence (capital punishment). Of the qualified forms of punishment, only quartering was applied, usually to those convicted of the aforementioned crime, ritual murder, and, in some instances, in cases of robbery. Alternative forms of punishment were episodic, and were only applied to a small number of convicted persons: imprisonment as a form of punishment recommended by philosophers of the Age of Enlightenment was applied in only 5.3 per cent of murder cases. In most instances, imprisonment was related to the introduction of the 1782 Cardinal Laws of the Permanent Council. In this way, the research reveals the conservative nature of the estate of nobles in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, and their efforts to continue to adhere to the strict law outlined in the Third Statute of Lithuania. It is likely that this practice could have been a result of the poor state of the penitentiary system, as there was not a single public prison in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania at the time where long-term imprisonment could have been possible.


2020 ◽  
Vol 46 ◽  
pp. 25-42
Author(s):  
Neringa Dambrauskaitė

This article deals with the aspects of everyday life of the peasants who lived in private estates of the nobility in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the 16th – the first half of the 17th century. The research was mainly based on published and unpublished acts of court cases, additional information is found in the estate inventories and descriptions provided by the people who travelled through Lithuania. The analysis revealed that the homestead of the peasants were usually modest – it consisted of few wooden buildings, the most important of which being a dwelling house, a granary and a cattle-shed, but richer peasants lived in larger homesteads with more different buildings. Peasants usually lived in wooden farmhouses with a stove, whereas some part of the peasants in Samogitia still lived in the so-called numas with a fireplace. Peasants’ main clothes were sermėgos, sheepskin coats, shirts, woman’s cloaks; some peasants could afford to have more expensive clothes. The main food products included different kinds of grain, first of all, stocks of rye, as well as peas, different vegetables, flitch, dairy products. Probably only richer peasants ate meat more often. There were important various household effects and work tools in the peasant homestead. Although the life of peasants was modest, however there existed differences in the standard of everyday living during the period under discussion.


1956 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 1011-1022
Author(s):  
Roy Macridis

Recent political developments in France, particularly the dissolution of the National Assembly and the subsequent elections of January 2, 1956, overshadowed one of the most interesting and long-awaited enactments of the second legislature of the Fourth Republic. A law of November 30, 1954, passed by the National Assembly by the required two-thirds majority, realized the revision of the constitution of the Fourth Republic. The law was the culmination of debates that had begun when the new constitution was framed. One might indeed say that constitutional reform was advocated throughout the whole period of the Third Republic, and in 1945 the French people overwhelmingly expressed themselves in favor of a constituent assembly to frame a new republican constitution. Yet when the document was drafted and submitted to the people it was received with great apathy and endorsed on October 13, 1946, by a minority of the registered voters. No sooner had it been put into force than the movement for reform recommenced, and various leaders like DeGaulle, Reynaud, Mendès-France, Laniel and Bidault joined the eminent statesmen of the Third Republic in proclaiming the need for further revision. Perhaps no better evidence testifies to the inherent instability of the French body politic than this perennial dissatisfaction with the basic instrument of government.


2021 ◽  
pp. 82-100
Author(s):  
Andrzej Romanowski

At the beginning of 19th century Vilnius and Polock were the only towns on the territory of the former Grand Duchy of Lithuania in which Polish publications, newspapers, theatres and high schools existed. Enlightenment ideas and liberal trends played an important part in the Vilnius community. On the contrary, ideological climate in Polock was created by Jesuits – the order dissolved by the Pope, but existing in the Russian territory. The Author indicates the differences between these two communities and also draws attention to Lithuanian poems written in Vilnius by Antanas Strazdas and Byelorussian poems written there in the Philomaths community by Jan Czeczot. He also considers how big was the influence of Polock environment on the literary activities and attitude of Jan Barszczewski, a student of Polock college and future leading representative of Polish-Byelorussian literary borderland.


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