scholarly journals Problematyka konfliktów społecznych w exposés polskich premierów z lat 2007–2017

Adeptus ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mateusz Pękala

Issues of Social Conflicts in Inauguration Speeches of Polish Prime Ministers in 2007–2017The article presents the assumptions and results of an analysis of the content of inauguration speeches of Polish Prime Ministers in 2007–2017: Donald Tusk (2007 and 2011), Ewa Kopacz (2014), Beata Szydło (2015) and Mateusz Morawiecki (2017). The aim of the study has been to answer the question whether and to what extent the issues of social conflicts were present in the speeches and what dispute resolution strategies were announced by the government. Social tensions were one of the leitmotifs of each of those speeches, mainly in the context of their negative impact on the effectiveness of public policy. The speeches often called for a reduction in rivalry both between political actors and between social groups. The need to overcome the crisis of citizens’ trust in state institutions was also ascribed great importance. In the face of social conflicts, the prime ministers announced that they would play the role of an “arbiter”, who would decide how particular resources would be distributed (more often), or a “negotiator”, who would conduct a partner dialogue with other social actors in order to reach a common agreement (less often). Problematyka konfliktów społecznych w exposés polskich premierów z lat 2007–2017Artykuł przedstawia założenia oraz wyniki analizy treści exposés polskich Prezesów Rady Ministrów z lat 2007–2017: Donalda Tuska (2007 i 2011), Ewy Kopacz (2014), Beaty Szydło (2015) i Mateusza Morawieckiego (2017), która służyła odpowiedzi na pytanie: czy i w jakim zakresie w wystąpieniach obecna była problematyka konfliktów społecznych oraz jakie strategie rozwiązywania sporów przez rząd były zapowiadane. Napięcia społeczne były jednym z motywów przewodnich każdego exposé, głównie w kontekście ich negatywnych skutków dla skuteczności polityki publicznej. W przemówieniach często pojawiały się apele o ograniczenie rywalizacji zarówno pomiędzy siłami politycznymi, jak i pomiędzy grupami społecznymi. Duże znaczenie przypisywano także konieczności przełamania kryzysu zaufania obywateli od instytucji państwowych. Wobec konfliktów społecznych premierzy zapowiadali pełnienie roli „arbitra” władczo rozstrzygającego, w jaki sposób przeprowadzona zostanie dystrybucja określonych zasobów (częściej), lub „negocjatora” prowadzącego partnerski dialog z innymi podmiotami społecznymi w celu wypracowania wspólnego porozumienia (rzadziej).

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 208
Author(s):  
Rahmat Kurniawan ◽  
Azhar Azhar

This research is to find out the perceptions of micro, small and medium enterprises to modern stores, MSME partnerships with modern stores, constraints, and the role of the government in overcoming the problems of modern shops and MSMEs in Padangsidimpuan City. This research is a descriptive qualitative study by conducting in-depth interviews. The results showed the perception of MSMEs towards modern stores had a negative and positive impact. The negative impact, the income of MSMEs has decreased. The positive impact, the presence of modern stores motivates MSMEs to evaluate themselves from modern stores. The partnership established by MSMEs with modern stores is the use of business locations provided by modern stores. The constraints of MSMEs are business capital, human resources, business legality, business permits and products, while the constraints of modern stores are business permits, human resources and partnerships with MSMEs. The role of the City Government of Padangsidimpuan is for modern stores, namely to give an appeal not to add to modern store outlets and to call for partnerships in terms of marketing local MSME products. For MSMEs, facilitate MSMEs with banking institutions in terms of providing venture capital, training and guidance to MSMEs, and making packaging houses.


2021 ◽  
pp. 32-42
Author(s):  
Sergey S. Novoselskii ◽  

The article considers the attitude of representatives of the top bureaucracy to the draft of the State Duma, developed by a Special Council chaired by the Minister of the Interior A.G. Bulygin in 1905. Particular attention is paid to the high officials assessments of the dignitaries of the place and role of the Duma in the system of state administration of the Russian Empire, the arguments that officials cited in favor of its convocation. It analyzes intellectual context of the emergence of the “bulyginskaya duma” (“Bulygin Duma”) project is analyzed, which largely determined the breadth of the actual, not declared powers of the people’s agency. The research is based on unpublished documents from the funds of state institutions, as well as materials from the personal funds of officials and public figures. The article shows that, despite the legislative nature of the Duma, it had to have significant powers. The electoral system, which was proposed and defended by the high officials, was originally modeled in such a way as to avoid the triumph of the estates principle. The monarch’s open opposition to the people’s agency was considered a politically short-sighted move, which indicated a limitation of his power. The results of the study allow considering the government policy in 1905 not as an untimely response to public demands, but as a conscious strategy for systemic political reforms.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (40) ◽  
Author(s):  
Pedro Proscurcin Junior

Particularly in Creon’s debate with Haemon, and from then on, Sophocles shows distinct aspects of how anger acts on the tyrant’s ability to judge and how this can be related to inextricable familial and political ties. As every modern reading of the play applies a philosophical conceptualization to understand emotions and thus suffer the consequences of a historical gap between interpretative and original vocabularies, this paper argues that the Aristotelian conceptualization of emotions is a relevant philosophical tool to better contextualize Creon’s anger in Sophocles’ Antigone. The essay discusses Creon’s thymetic responses in the face of Haemon’s admonition and Antigone’s oligoria, and offers two examples of Aristotelian readings of Creon’s thymetic akrasia. One of the possible readings considers the specific role of phantasia in Creon’s understanding of reality. This philosophical explanation of a revengeful tyrant reveals important connections between psychology and politics in the government of the city.


2013 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yoon Jung Park

Abstract:Increasing numbers of Chinese migrants have arrived in southern Africa over the past two decades. Perceptions of and reactions to the Chinese, however, vary from country to country and within countries. This article, based on several years of field and survey research, examines perceptions of Chinese in South Africa and Lesotho. The author argues that in addition to the global context, national political and economic realities, history, and memory shape local perceptions of China and the Chinese people who now reside in these spaces. States and other political actors play a key role in constructions of foreigners. Competition, whether real or perceived, is also important in shaping negative attitudes toward migrants. However, personal interactions and memories can serve as mitigating factors, even in the face of negative news of China or Chinese activities.


Journalism ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 146488492095950
Author(s):  
Jefferson Lyndon D Ragragio

Editorials are a political force used by news media to fulfil its watchdog function in fragile democracies like the Philippines. However, they also serve as a platform to invite a more positive reading of strongman administration. Against the backdrop of media populism, the article will problematize how the Fourth Estate articulates its political stance by examining the tensions and complexities in editorials. It will highlight the ways the media deals with subjects and stories surrounding Rodrigo Duterte. Through an analysis of editorials of four leading dominant news outlets (Bulletin, Inquirer, Rappler, and Star), three meta-thematic categories of media frames are uncovered. First, character degradation frames delineate how the media denounces the ties of Duterte with other political actors, particularly the Marcoses and China’s Xi. Second, pro-establishment frames echo the optimistic mantra of the government amid crisis. And third, non-editorial frames exhibit the failure of media to publish watchdog-inspired editorials. Each of these categories has underlying frames that are indicative of the democratic potential, or lack thereof, of news media.


2019 ◽  
Vol 250 ◽  
pp. R47-R53
Author(s):  
Tim Besley ◽  
Richard Davies

Executive SummaryAlongside the challenge of maintaining economic competitiveness in the face of great uncertainty, Brexit brings an opportunity for the government to set out a new industrial strategy. The case for doing so rests on the need to address areas of persistent structural weakness in the UK economy, including low productivity. But it is important that any new industrial strategy be based on appropriately granular data reflecting the real structure of the UK corporate sector: the overwhelmingly preponderant role of services as opposed to manufacturing, for example; the importance of young, fast-growing firms as opposed to SMEs; the relatively high failure rate of companies in the UK; and the relative lack of successful mid-sized firms. Such a data-driven approach might spawn an industrial strategy quite different from the piecemeal programmes of recent years.Internationally, the UK is a laggard in this area, and the recently-created Industrial Strategy Council does not look strong enough to change that position. To move forward, the government needs to make industrial strategy a central plank of economic policy, embedded at the heart of the administration with its own staff and funding, and operations based on a comprehensive review of the economic contribution and potential of various types of firm. Needless to say, it cannot be a substitute for a continuing commitment to competition and markets, or a stalking horse for protectionism: interventions should be justified by carefully-argued market failure arguments, be time-limited, and transparently evaluated.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 47-51
Author(s):  
Сахарова ◽  
N. Sakharova

The article analyzes the key factors of infl uence of external and internal environment on the functioning of Russian higher education institutions, ways to improve the competitiveness of modern universities in the face of increasing global competition in the education market, reviews the activities of the Government to ensure the achievement of the strategic objectives of the Russian Federation development for the period up to 2020 in higher education, defi nes trends in requirements for the competences of certain categories of university staff , provides data on the auxiliaries staff of universities across the country, discusses diff erent points of view on the role of auxiliaries staff in the university functioning, identifi es the main control problems of auxiliaries staff.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 543-547
Author(s):  
Eggy Septyadi Silaban ◽  
Desak Geded Dwi Arini ◽  
Luh Putu Suryani

Currently, any part of the world is facing a virus called Covid-19. Since the emergence of this case, all access has been hampered, especially in the economic field. Increasing unemployment is one of the current problems, for that we need a legal protection to ensure life for workers during this pandemic. The purpose of this study to analyze. Arrangements for termination of employment for workers due to the COVID-19 pandemic as well as legal protection for workers due to termination of employment due to the COVID-19 pandemic. This research is a type of normative legal writing with a conceptual approach and legislation. Sources of data used in the form of secondary and primary data sources. Data collection techniques by classifying primary legal materials with secondary legal materials as research support. The analysis of legal materials obtained by qualitative analysis. The results of the study indicate that Termination of Employment has a negative impact on workers because they lose their jobs so that it also has an impact on increasing the poverty level of the Indonesian people. Because the emergence of PSBB regulations from the government of course makes the space for work narrower and layoffs are increasingly prevalent, therefore the regulation of Law no. 13 of 2003 concerning Manpower and also the role of the government is very important to overcome the occurrence of layoffs that are not in accordance with the laws and regulations. The legal protection is divided into 2 things, namely preventive legal protection and repressive legal protection.


2006 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kirsten Kozolanka

Abstract: This paper examines the key legitimating role of communication and the media, and the role of taming-labour, in constructing the Ontario neo-liberal hegemonic project in 1995. Media-content analysis and examination of the communication strategies of the Ontario government in the 1996 public-service strike show that the government relied on constructing the perception of a hegemonic crisis and framing labour as oppositional to the public interest of resolving the crisis. The government’s general strategy of quick-attack communications offensives curtailed media and opposition scrutiny, increasing the likelihood of policy success and media dependence on its framing of issues. A strong challenge to the government led by labour and social justice groups failed in the face of state public relations, media silence, and internal dissension. Examination of a second strike in 2002 suggests that even without a crisis, the government continued its attack on labour. Résumé : Cet article examine le rôle clé de légitimation joué par les communications et les médias, ainsi que les efforts déployés pour calmer la main-d’œuvre, lors de l’exécution d’un projet hégémonique néo-libéral en Ontario en 1995. Une analyse de contenu médiatique et l’examen des stratégies communicationnelles du gouvernement ontarien lors de la grève du service public en 1996 montrent que le gouvernement a tenté de faire croire à une crise hégémonique et a suggéré que la main-d’œuvre s’opposait à l’intérêt public en entravant la résolution de la crise. La stratégie du gouvernement, qui consistait en de rapides attaques communicationnelles, a empêché l’opposition et les médias de faire leur travail, augmentant à la fois la dépendance que les médias avaient de la version gouvernementale des faits, et ainsi augmentant les chances de succès du gouvernement. Des groupes de main-d’œuvre et de justice sociale se sont fortement opposés au gouvernement, mais ont échoué face à la campagne de relations publiques de l’État, au silence des médias et à cause de différends internes. L’examen d’une seconde grève en 2002 suggère que, même sans crise, le gouvernement a continué à attaquer la main-d’œuvre syndiquée.


2020 ◽  
Vol 53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pedro Henrique Campello Torres ◽  
Pedro Luiz Côrtes ◽  
Pedro Roberto Jacobi

The paper presents a discussion on the water crisis that occurred between 2013 and 2015 in the Metropolitan Region of São Paulo, the lack of integrated natural resources planning, and the reaction of social actors affected by the crisis. The region was affected by an extreme hydrological and climatological event, which was combined with the unsustainable management of water resources. The paper addresses, initially, the dynamics of water governance in the region, and the main aspects related to water availability and climate dependence that caused the water crisis. Then, we present an analysis of the process that led to the water crisis and its main developments, which is based on the follow-up of the different moments of the crisis and dialogues with its relevant stakeholders. The results indicate the relevance of emphasizing issues on matters such as the lack of transparency and highlight the role of societal initiatives. We conclude the paper with a proposition to discuss governance processes that can contribute to the development of more effective initiatives in order to reduce the impact of this visible change in water regimes, strengthen transparent management, and promote a more democratic interaction between social actors and the government.


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