Breton Masculine Human Plurals, Locality, and Impoverishment
This paper presents an apparent locality condition violation observed in Standard Breton masculine human plurals ending in -où. It proposes a unique impoverishment rule deleting a syntacticosemantic feature conditioned by a specified phonological exponent. Adopting a specific architectural view of lenition, it forces a rethinking of the precise timing of various post-syntactic processes, including certain types of impoverishment rules as well Agree-Copy in dissociated Agr nodes. It also lends support to the independent claims that syntacticosemantic features are not overridden during Spell-Out and that Vocabulary Insertion applies to a linearized structure, not a hierarchical one.
2008 ◽
Vol 4
(S253)
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pp. 459-461
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1998 ◽
Vol 273
(24)
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pp. 15119-15124
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1992 ◽
Vol 174
(9)
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pp. 3078-3082
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1999 ◽
Vol 1999
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pp. 63-63
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