On Certain Adjacency Effects in Ellipsis Contexts

2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 337-355 ◽  
Author(s):  
Duk-Ho An
Keyword(s):  
Linear Order ◽  
Right Node Raising ◽  
Fragment Answers ◽  
Hierarchical Relations ◽  
Vp Ellipsis ◽  
Pf Deletion

In this article, I show that crosslinguistically, there is a recurring pattern in various ellipsis constructions (e.g., fragment answers, right-dislocation, right-node raising, VP-ellipsis), to the effect that parts of a remnant can be additionally deleted under adjacency to a deletion site, often ignoring constituency. I argue that the phenomenon in question follows from the fact that PF deletion, being an operation in the component determining linear order, targets linearized strings, similarly to the fact that movement, being an operation in the component determining hierarchical relations, targets constituents.

Russian

2018 ◽  
pp. 987-1019
Author(s):  
John Frederick Bailyn ◽  
Tatiana Bondarenko
Keyword(s):  
Current Literature ◽  
Right Node Raising ◽  
Fragment Answers ◽  
Vp Ellipsis ◽  
Comparative Deletion

This chapter provides an overview of the major types of elliptical constructions in Russian: NP-ellipsis, clausal ellipsis (sluicing, sprouting, polarity ellipsis), vP-ellipsis, gapping, comparative deletion, Right-Node Raising, and fragment answers. The aim of this chapter is to examine these constructions in a cross-linguistic perspective, highlighting phenomena that seem peculiar to Russian, and outlining the set of restrictions on ellipsis licensing that does not differ from those of other languages. In addition, we discuss the controversial puzzle of verb-stranding constructions: these constructions seem to involve ellipsis, but its nature is still a matter of debate in the current literature.

scholarly journals Ellipsis in Languages of the Caucasus

2021 ◽  
pp. 942-972
Author(s):  
David Erschler
Keyword(s):  
Noun Phrase ◽  
Complex Predicates ◽  
The Caucasus ◽  
Right Node Raising ◽  
Fragment Answers ◽  
Vp Ellipsis ◽  
Comparative Constructions ◽  
Argument Omission

This chapter deals with ellipsis, a phenomenon whereby some expected material goes missing in an utterance. The chapter overviews types of ellipsis frequently addressed in the literature: ellipsis in the noun phrase; argument omission; VP ellipsis; modal complement ellipsis; ellipsis in complex predicates; gapping, pseudogapping, and right node raising; ellipsis in comparative constructions, stripping; and ellipsis involving negation, sluicing and its generalizations, and fragment answers. It proceeds to review the occurrence of, and peculiarities exhibited by, these ellipsis varieties in a sample of the languages of the Caucasus. A number of ellipsis varieties that have not been earlier discussed in the literature but are present in some languages of the Caucasus are addressed as well. The data show that the languages of the Caucasus do not show a uniform typological profile as far as ellipsis is concerned. The chapter concludes with a brief discussion of the relevance of the presented data for theories of ellipsis.

Dutch

2018 ◽  
pp. 720-764
Author(s):  
Norbert Corver ◽  
Marjo van Koppen
Keyword(s):  
Final Section ◽  
Right Node Raising ◽  
Enormous Amount ◽  
Vp Ellipsis ◽  
Nominal Ellipsis ◽  
Null Complement Anaphora ◽  
Comparative Deletion

This chapter discusses ellipsis in Dutch and the dialects of Dutch. It provides detailed information on the major types of ellipsis as they have been presented in Part III of this handbook: gapping and stripping, predicate ellipsis (VP-ellipsis and pseudogapping), Conjunction Reduction and Right-Node Raising, sluicing, fragments, nominal ellipsis, Comparative Deletion, and Null Complement Anaphora. It discusses the main insights from the literature as well as new observations with respect to these constructions. The final section shows that the Dutch dialects display an enormous amount of variation concerning ellipsis constructions. In particular, it examines the variation in NP-ellipsis with possessive, demonstrative, and adjectival remnants and variation with respect to sluicing.

Japanese

2018 ◽  
pp. 864-899
Author(s):  
Teruhiko Fukaya
Keyword(s):  
Crucial Role ◽  
Deletion Analysis ◽  
Significant Aspect ◽  
Null Arguments ◽  
Right Node Raising ◽  
Case Marker ◽  
Vp Ellipsis ◽  
Presence And Absence ◽  
Deep Anaphora ◽  
String Deletion

This chapter provides an overview of, while examining various proposals for, ellipsis in Japanese. Fragments are examined, and it is claimed to be reasonable to assume that stripping, sluicing, and ellipsis in comparatives are a uniform phenomenon while short answers are distinct. It is also argued that the properties of Right-Node Raising can be best captured by a non-constituent string deletion analysis. Three approaches to null arguments are examined, and shortcomings in each are discussed. N’-deletion is then explored and claimed to be ambiguous between two structural possibilities: ellipsis and non-ellipsis. VP-ellipsis, gapping, and pseudo-gapping are also touched upon. One significant aspect of the ellipsis phenomena in Japanese illustrated in this chapter is that the presence and absence of a case-marker plays a crucial role, with case-marked and non-case-marked fragments being analyzed as instances of surface anaphora and deep anaphora, respectively. This indicates the importance of focusing on case-marked versions in the syntactic investigation of these phenomena.

Kiswahili and Shingazidja

2018 ◽  
pp. 899-933
Author(s):  
Cédric Patin ◽  
Sophie Manus
Keyword(s):  
Final Section ◽  
Bantu Languages ◽  
Right Node Raising ◽  
Vp Ellipsis

This chapter is a detailed discussion of ellipsis in Kiswahili and Shingazidja, two languages belonging to the G.40 group of Bantu languages. Building upon various arguments, including the use of tests established by Ngonyani (1996, 1998) and Greenberg (2005) and the examination of prosodic patterns, it is shown that several kinds of ellipsis are possible in these languages: clausal ellipses (gapping, stripping, argument cluster coordination), sluicing and fragments, comparative ellipsis, N-deletion, etc. Special attention is given to gapping and V-stranding VP-ellipsis, a structure that has previously been discussed in the literature on Bantu languages. The differences between the two languages, such as the fact that right-node raising is only possible in Shingazidja, are also addressed. The final section discusses the absence of two types of predicate ellipsis in these languages, namely English-like VP-ellipsis and English-like pseudogapping.

Ellipsis in Categorial Grammar

2018 ◽  
pp. 121-141
Author(s):  
Pauline Jacobson
Keyword(s):  
Categorial Grammar ◽  
Transitive Verb ◽  
Discourse Context ◽  
Verb Phrase Ellipsis ◽  
Verb Phrase ◽  
Fragment Answers ◽  
Vp Ellipsis ◽  
The Common ◽  
Special Case ◽  
Linguistic Material

One of the fundamental tenets of (most versions of) Categorial Grammar is that the syntax and semantics work ‘in tandem’: the syntax proves expressions well-formed while the semantics assigns them a meaning. Under this view (termed Direct Compositionality), it is difficult at best to state a rule deleting or silencing material under identity with some other overt linguistic material in the discourse context, which suggests that the common wisdom that there is ‘silent linguistic material’ is incorrect. This chapter explores an alternative way to view VP-ellipsis without silent linguistic material. Using conventions developed in earlier work within variable-free semantics and Direct Compositionality, it is shown that such an approach extends immediately to Antecedent Contained Deletion (which is just a special case of ‘transitive verb phrase ellipsis’) as well as to pseudogapping. The chapter also briefly explores the analysis of fragment answers to questions without invoking silent linguistic material, and shows that some of the apparent challenges to this view are in fact not real challenges.

Persian

2018 ◽  
pp. 933-961
Author(s):  
Maziar Toosarvandani
Keyword(s):  
Noun Phrase ◽  
Head Movement ◽  
Information Structure ◽  
Verb Phrase Ellipsis ◽  
Verb Phrase ◽  
Functional Projection ◽  
Complex Predicate ◽  
Right Node Raising ◽  
Fragment Answers ◽  
Island Constraints

There are elliptical constructions in Persian whose properties diverge from their better-studied counterparts in other languages. A type of verb phrase ellipsis removes the non-verbal element and internal arguments of a complex predicate; it can also strand a simple verb that has undergone head movement to a low verbal functional projection. The language does not have obligatory wh-movement, so sluicing is derived instead through a movement operation that is driven from information structure. Gapping, stripping, and fragment answers may arise from the same movement operation, as gapping and stripping allow for their antecedent to be embedded, and stripping and fragment answers are insensitive to island constraints. Persian also has right-node raising and noun phrase ellipsis, though their properties are relatively less understood.

Focus Position for Stripping Remnant

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 221
Author(s):  
Mohammad Ali Al Zahrani ◽  
Khulud Helal Al Thagafi
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Current Paper ◽  
Focus Position ◽  
Focus Movement ◽  
The One ◽  
Syntactic Properties ◽  
Pf Deletion ◽  
Minimalist Framework

The current paper examines the syntactic properties of HA stripping: a type of ellipsis. Within the Minimalist framework, the paper adopts the PF-Deletion approach to show that stripping in HA is derived firstly by the movement of the remnant constituent from TP to Focus Position (FP), and, secondly, by the deletion of the TP. These two operations are licensed by the Ellipsis feature (E) located in the focus head F°. Thus, on the one hand, the paper contributes to the existing body of literature supporting the hotly-debated issues on the movement of the stripping remnants, and on the other, enriches the very minimal HA studies on ellipsis. The findings show that HA stripped constituents must move to Spec, FP, before the TP- deletion process. Two pieces of evidence in support of the focus movement to FP spring from Island sensitivity and p-stranding facts in HA.

VP-ellipsis, Stripping, and the Functions of the Delimiter –to in Korean

2016 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-110
Author(s):  
So-Jee Kim ◽  
Sae Youn Cho
Keyword(s):  
Vp Ellipsis
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