scholarly journals Contrasting Contrastive Left-Dislocation Explications

2017 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 543-584 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcel den Dikken ◽  
Balázs Surányi
Keyword(s):  
Recent Literature ◽  
Left Periphery ◽  
Parametric Variation ◽  
Contrastive Topic ◽  
Left Dislocation ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Crosslinguistic Variation ◽  
Deep Anaphora

Of the three logically possible approaches to contrastive left-dislocation (CLD) (base-generation cum deep anaphora; movement cum surface anaphora; elliptical clausal juxtaposition cum resumption), two are represented prominently in the recent literature. Ott’s (2014) account treats CLD uniformly in terms of clausal juxtaposition, the first clause being stripped down to its contrastive topic via an ellipsis operation said to be akin to sluicing. He argues that this analysis is superior to Grohmann’s (2003) approach, featuring movement within a single prolific domain and late spell-out of a resumptive element. Using data mainly from Hungarian and Dutch, we reveal problems for Ott’s biclausal account that undermine its apparent conceptual appeal and compromise its descriptive accuracy. We show that the ellipsis operation required is sui generis, that the approach fails to assimilate the crosslinguistic variation attested in the availability of multiple CLD to known cases of parametric variation in the left periphery, and that it undergenerates in several empirical domains, including P-stranding and “floated” arguments. Grohmann’s movement- cum-surface-anaphora analysis as it stands also cannot handle all these data, but it can be fixed to fit the facts. For Ott’s analysis, no patches seem available. Some further empirical properties of CLD appear underivable from either of these approaches. For these, the base-generation- cum-deep-anaphora analysis can be considered.

Look before you move

2016 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 396-428 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tania Leal
Keyword(s):  
Native Speakers ◽  
Syntactic Analysis ◽  
Left Periphery ◽  
Rating Task ◽  
Advanced Learners ◽  
Visual Rating ◽  
Proficiency Levels ◽  
Left Dislocation ◽  
Clitic Left Dislocation ◽  
Discourse Interface

The present study examines whether, as proposed by the Interface Hypothesis (Sorace, 2011), the syntax-discourse interface is especially vulnerable to non-native optionality even at very advanced levels. I focus on the acquisition of Clitic Left Dislocation in Spanish (CLLD), a structure that involves both syntax and discourse, when it combines with other structures at the left periphery (iterative topics, Fronted Focus, and wh-constructions). CLLD is a realization of topicalization requiring the integration of syntactic and discourse knowledge. This study provides data from an audio-visual rating task completed by 120 learners of Spanish of different proficiency levels and 27 monolingual native speakers. Results showed evidence that the most advanced learners had acquired the restrictions of these structures in a native-like way and supports López’s (2009) syntactic analysis of CLLD, whereby CLLD is generated through movement so that the pragmatic features [+anaphor]/[+contrast] can be assigned to the dislocated element.

Regular and copular fragments in Basaá

Linguistics ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 57 (5) ◽  
pp. 915-966 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Roger Bassong
Keyword(s):  
Left Periphery ◽  
Matrix Clause ◽  
Polarity Item ◽  
Regular Source ◽  
Fragment Answers ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
Embedded Clause ◽  
Crosslinguistic Variation ◽  
New Evidence ◽  
Different Sources

Abstract The aim of this Article is to propose that fragment answers in Basaá (Bantu) derive from two different sources, namely, a regular source and a copular source. Regular fragments are those that are derived by movement of a Negative Polarity Item (NPI) or a CP complement to the left periphery of the clause followed by clausal ellipsis (Merchant 2004 and related work). Conversely, copular fragments involve a biclausal structure whereby the focalized fragment, no matter the syntactic function it fulfills in clause structure, finally ends up being the subject of the null verbal copula of the main clause. The fragment is initially selected as the external argument of the null verbal copula within the matrix VP along the lines of the VP-Internal Subject Hypothesis (Koopman and Sportiche 1991). From Spec-VP it raises to Spec-TP to satisfy the EPP requirements. The internal argument of the null copula is a headless relative in which a relative operator (covert/overt) moves to Spec-CP, a position above FocP the target of ellipsis. This gives rise to a structure whereby the fragment answer in the matrix clause and the relative operator in the embedded clause resist ellipsis. The analysis also provides semantic evidence that copular fragments are not clefts. The ellipsis approach is supported by a range of grammatical properties such as connectivity effects, locality constraints and subcategorization requirements. This paper is not only a contribution to Merchant’s (2004) ellipsis approach but it also provides new evidence for our understanding of the crosslinguistic variation of ellipsis.

scholarly journals Clause Intertwining and Word Order in Ancient Greek

2012 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rutger J. Allan
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Main Clause ◽  
Ancient Greek ◽  
Complex Sentences ◽  
Narrow Focus ◽  
Contrastive Topic ◽  
Pragmatic Function ◽  
Left Dislocation ◽  
Complement Clause

AbstractIn Ancient Greek complex sentences consisting of a main and complement clause, constituents which semantically and syntactically belong to the complement clause can be placed in a position preceding or interrupting the main clause. This phenomenon is referred to as clause or sentence intertwining. This paper examines the pragmatic factors involved in the preposing of contituents in sentences containing an in initival complement clause. It will be argued that the specific pragmatic function of the preposed constituents is Theme (left dislocation), new/contrastive topic or narrow focus. Preposing can be analyzed as a device to pragmatically highlight the involved constituents. The paper also addresses the position of new, contrastive and given topics and of adverbs and clauses with Setting function.

Intersubjectification and clause periphery

2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Closs Traugott
Keyword(s):  
Left Periphery ◽  
Discourse Coherence ◽  
Turn Taking ◽  
History Of ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
Using Data

Ways of identifying subjectification and especially intersubjectification are discussed using data from the history of English no doubt and surely. These adverbs arose out of non-modal expressions and were recruited for use as epistemic adverbs and metadiscursive markers. The data are shown not to support the hypothesis that expressions at left periphery are likely to be subjective (oriented toward turn-taking and discourse coherence), those at right periphery intersubjective (oriented toward turn-giving or elicitation of response, and toward the Addressee’s stance and participation in the communicative situation.). While no doubt is subjective at both left and right periphery, surely is intersubjective at both peripheries

scholarly journals Wh-Expletives in Hindi-Urdu: The vP Phase

2010 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emily Manetta
Keyword(s):  
Long Distance ◽  
Parametric Variation ◽  
Crosslinguistic Variation

This article addresses wh-displacement and wh-expletive constructions in Hindi-Urdu, accounting for parametric variation in terms of the properties of the phase-defining heads C and v. This analysis provides an understanding of a systematic set of contrasts between Kashmiri and Hindi-Urdu that suggests that crosslinguistic variation may follow from properties of specifically the phase-defining functional heads. It is then possible to construct a unified account of the various strategies of forming long-distance wh-dependencies in the two languages.

scholarly journals Modal testing for model validation of structures with discrete nonlinearities

2015 ◽  
Vol 373 (2051) ◽  
pp. 20140410 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. J. Ewins ◽  
B. Weekes ◽  
A. delli Carri
Keyword(s):  
Model Validation ◽  
Nonlinear Response ◽  
Structural Integrity ◽  
Linear Models ◽  
Recent Literature ◽  
Modal Testing ◽  
Structural Dynamic ◽  
Nonlinear Features ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Further Development

Model validation using data from modal tests is now widely practiced in many industries for advanced structural dynamic design analysis, especially where structural integrity is a primary requirement. These industries tend to demand highly efficient designs for their critical structures which, as a result, are increasingly operating in regimes where traditional linearity assumptions are no longer adequate. In particular, many modern structures are found to contain localized areas, often around joints or boundaries, where the actual mechanical behaviour is far from linear. Such structures need to have appropriate representation of these nonlinear features incorporated into the otherwise largely linear models that are used for design and operation. This paper proposes an approach to this task which is an extension of existing linear techniques, especially in the testing phase, involving only just as much nonlinear analysis as is necessary to construct a model which is good enough, or ‘valid’: i.e. capable of predicting the nonlinear response behaviour of the structure under all in-service operating and test conditions with a prescribed accuracy. A short-list of methods described in the recent literature categorized using our framework is given, which identifies those areas in which further development is most urgently required.

Estimating Nonhierarchical and Nested Log-Linear Models

1981 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jay Magidson ◽  
James H. Swan ◽  
Richard A. Berk
Keyword(s):  
Linear Models ◽  
Recent Literature ◽  
Computer Programs ◽  
Iterative Proportional Fitting ◽  
Nested Models ◽  
Indicator Variables ◽  
Interaction Variables ◽  
Dichotomous Variables ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Log Linear

The recent literature on-log-linear models incorrectly implies that the Iterative Proportional Fitting (IPF) algorithm and associated computer programs such as ECTA can only be used to estimate hierarchical (not nonhierarchical) log-linear models. While ECTA and similar programs are designed for the estimation of hierarchical models, it is shown here that the IPF algorithm (and existing computer programs such as ECTA) can be used to estimate any nonhierarchical model and also many nested log-linear models. The former result follows directly from the symmetry between qualitative/categorical indicator variables and appropriately defined “interaction variables.” The general approach for dichotomous variables is illustrated here using data from the study of “The American Soldier” by Stouffer et al. We also illustrate how the ECTA program can be used to estimate nested models, and show the equivalence between a particular class of nested models and the model of quasi-independence.

Future conditionals in Lycian

2021 ◽  
Vol 126 (1) ◽  
pp. 229-260
Author(s):  
José Marcos Macedo
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clause ◽  
General Rule ◽  
Main Clause ◽  
Contrastive Topic ◽  
Left Dislocation ◽  
The Future ◽  
Funerary Inscriptions

Abstract Lycian funerary inscriptions, being overall legal statements regarding the correct management of the tomb after the death of its owner, comprise many future conditional clauses consisting of two types, paratactic and hypotactic. In the latter a preposed relative clause precedes a resumptive main clause, while in the former two adjoining main clauses are interpreted as protasis and apodosis without any obligatory subordinator. In the last case, the general rule is that some constituent pertaining to the preceding prohibition clause against unauthorized burial undergoes left dislocation, the contrastive topic pointing to the conditional character of the sentence. The lack of an overt subordinator in the paratactic type - the odd modal particle e͂‘if’ is at best optional - points to an archaism in Lycian, as opposed to Hittite and Luwian. This paper aims at providing a critical description of the future conditionals in the corpus, accounting for how they are formed and used.

Discourse functions of subject left dislocation in Old Occitan

2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bryan Donaldson
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Study ◽  
Old French ◽  
Left Periphery ◽  
Pragmatic Function ◽  
Left Dislocation ◽  
Old Occitan ◽  
Discourse Functions ◽  
Flow Of Information ◽  
Discourse Topic ◽  
Common Manifestation

This paper reports an empirical study of the discourse-pragmatic functions of subject left dislocation (LD) in Old Occitan. Data come from the complete troubadour biographies, in which the most common manifestation of subject LD is a nominal subject + sentence adverb si + verb, as in “Bertrans de Born si fo uns castellans” [Bertran de Born was a nobleman]. Whereas previous accounts fail to integrate syntax with discourse-pragmatic function, these results reveal the importance of both in explaining the occurrence of subject LD. Using recent approaches to the clausal left periphery (e.g., Benincà 2006), I distinguish LD subjects from conventional (i.e., non-dislocated) pre-verbal subjects. Next, following Fleischman’s (1991) analysis of si in Old French, I illustrate how subject LD structures the flow of information in discourse. In particular, subject LD marks a constituent as a discourse topic and can also introduce a new referent into the discourse and thereby mark it as topical.

Pro-drop in interrogatives across older Germanic and Romance languages

2021 ◽  
pp. 97-136
Author(s):  
Federica Cognola ◽  
George Walkden
Keyword(s):  
Romance Languages ◽  
Left Periphery ◽  
Null Subjects ◽  
Null Subject ◽  
Two Factors ◽  
Agreement Morphology ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Interrogative Clauses ◽  
Germanic Languages

This chapter investigates the mechanisms of null subject licensing in direct interrogatives, an environment which is generally neglected in investigation into null subjects, using data from a range of early Romance and Germanic languages considered to be asymmetric pro-drop languages, i.e. languages in which null subjects are favoured in main clauses. We find that there is subtle variation between the languages in question, but that two factors in particular – interrogative type and person – are crucial in conditioning this variation, and we sketch analyses based on the differential availability of Agree relations with left-peripheral elements. Therefore, null subjects in main interrogative clauses are licensed in two slightly different manners in the two language families – a fact which we show follows from differences in the structure of their left periphery and in agreement morphology

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document