Disastrously Creative: K-pop, Virtual Nation, and the Rebirth of Culture Technology

2020 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-35
Author(s):  
Suk-Young Kim

Sustained by the triangulated forces of the K-pop industry, South Korean national policy, and the ever-morphing discourse on culture and technology in the postindustrial era, industry leader SM Entertainment's “new culture technology” invites critical scrutiny of neoliberal labor practices in the K-pop industry, the South Korean inflection of the creative economy, and the unique pursuit of cyborgized celebrity culture that emerged as a collaboration between private entertainment companies and the South Korean state.

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Sungik Yang

The New Right movement that arose in the early 2000s in South Korea was a response to a change in ownership of Korean nationalist discourse during the preceding decades. Although nationalism was the preserve of the South Korean right wing from the trusteeship crisis in 1945 through the end of the Park Chung Hee regime, a historiographical revolt in the 1980s that emphasized the historical illegitimacy of the South Korean state allowed the Left to appropriate nationalism. With the loss of nationalism from its arsenal, the Right turned to postnationalist neoliberal discourse to blunt the effectiveness of leftist nationalist rhetoric. An examination of New Right historiography on the colonial and postliberation periods, however, shows that despite the recent change in conservatives’ stance on nationalism, a preoccupation with the legitimacy of the South Korean state remains at the center of right-wing historical narratives. The New Right represents old wine in new bottles.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Ganang Wira Pradana

ABSTRACTThe THAAD crisis between South Korea and China occurred due to the installation of the THAAD (Terminal High Altitude Area Defense) system by South Korea with the help of the United States which was considered as a threat to China's national security. China strongly opposed the installation of the defense system and imposed unofficial sanctions in a form of a boycott in the field of South Korean tourism, products, and pop culture, which provided significant losses due to China's retaliation. After the South Korean state visit to China which was held in Beijing, China’s boycott was later lifted, but the THAAD installed in South Korea remain stayed and deployed. Thus the question arises about why China chose to soften and not force the South Koreans to withdraw THAAD. This article uses the qualitative research method of literature studies and uses variables of foreign policy theory by Yuen Foon Khong as the theoretical framework in this paper. Therefore, it can be seen that China's softening of the THAAD issue is caused by the influence of China’s "peripheral diplomacy" foreign policy and the shifting of Chinese behavior so that China does not impose its will on the South Korean THAAD system to maintain good relations with South Korea as a peripheral country. Keywords: China, China’s Behavior, Foreign Policy, South Korea, THAAD


2008 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Moon Sang Hyun

This paper examines the political and economic implications of the liberalization of international telecommunications in South Korea in the 1990s and the changing roles of the South Koran state. Until the end of the 1980s, the South Korean telecommunications sector was controlled by a public monopoly. With the internal political and economic need for industrial restructuring, various external forces have driven liberalization of the telecommunications industry since the late 1980s. Intertwined with the national political economy, those external forces and, more generally, structural transformations in the global political economy have also significantly affected the nature and roles of the South Korean state.


2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Vierthaler

Abstract The emergence of the South Korean New Right movement in the mid-2000s led to the questions of how to commemorate and evaluate the ROK state establishment in 1948, and when to precisely trace such a “foundation” (1919 or 1948?) to be vividly discussed in South Korean society. Was 1948 primarily a political division? Or was it a “foundation for success”? Following the 2008 Foundation Day Dispute, a significant number of scholarly works on the subject has been produced. This article analyses the conservative side of this discourse, approaching the foundation dispute as a conservative attempt to regain hegemony over South Korean Cultural memory in post-democratisation South Korea. Analysing New Right-authored historiography on the subject of “foundation,” the present study discloses how conservatives narrated the formative years of the South Korean state, arguing that merely dismissing the New Right as historical revisionists is too simple a conclusion. Rather, this article argues that struggles over Cultural memory are rooted in the ideological and institutional polarisation of South Korean intellectuals in contemporary South Korea. Furthermore, by contextualising the Foundation View against progressive historiography within South Korea as well as Cold War history in a global context, this study answers why the Foundation View ultimately failed to gain acceptance.


1990 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
Russell Mardon

The literature on the political economy of developing nations has focused attention upon the weakness and vulnerability of the nation-state and its limited ability to deal with and effectively alter the dominant forces of the international economy. Despite common international structures, however, the empirical pattern of foreign ownership and control of the means of production varies in newly industrializing nations. Domestic political structures and alternative state strategies may therefore have a significant impact on the pattern of foreign ownership and on the degree of control that foreign capital may exert on a developing economy.The author examines the principal legal and bureaucratic mechanisms utilized by the South Korean state to regulate the domestic economy's interaction with international capital, as well as the impact of these mechanisms upon domestic production patterns. The South Korean case demonstrates that, through the formulation and implementation of appropriate policy, the state in a developing nation possesses the capacity to shape the pattern of interaction with international economic forces. Legal and bureaucratic mechanisms have facilitated an industrial development that is predominantly owned and effectively controlled by Korean nationals.


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