From Acoustic Cues to Distinctive Features

Phonetica ◽  
1968 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 198-230 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. Delattre
2020 ◽  
Vol 148 (4) ◽  
pp. 2808-2808
Author(s):  
Maria-Gabriella Di Benedetto ◽  
Jeung-Yoon Choi ◽  
Stefanie Shattuck-Hufnagel ◽  
Luca De Nardis ◽  
Sara Budoni ◽  
...  

2019 ◽  
Vol 146 (4) ◽  
pp. 2960-2960
Author(s):  
Hoang Nguyen ◽  
Jeung-Yoon Choi ◽  
Stefanie Shattuck-Hufnagel

2020 ◽  
Vol 148 (4) ◽  
pp. 2808-2808
Author(s):  
Jeung-Yoon Choi ◽  
Stefanie Shattuck-Hufnagel

2014 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 144-187 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hyunsoon Kim

The present study proposes an L1 grammar-driven loanword-adaptation model with three intermediate steps — L1 perception, L1 lexical representations and L1 phonology — between L2 acoustic output and L1 output by examining how the distinctive features, syllable structure constraints and structural restrictions of one’s native language steer speakers in their search to replace foreign sounds with native sounds. Our main source of data in support of this model comes from differences between the Korean adaptations of English and French voicing contrasts on the basis of a recent survey of English and French loans in the year 2011. In word-initial position, for example, English voiceless plosives are borrowed as aspirated plosives, while French voiceless plosives are borrowed as either aspirated or fortis plosives in free variation. Considering the data examined here, we suggest that the different Korean adaptations of English and French voicing contrasts in plosives are based on Korean speakers’ perception of redundant phonetic variants in the donor languages (L2) and that this perception is conditioned by the acoustic cues to the laryngeal features [±spread glottis] and [±tense] of Korean, the host language (L1). In contrast to some current models, it shows that the distinctive feature composition of L1 segments plays an important role in loanword adaptations. We also suggest that not only L1 laryngeal features but also L1 syllable structure constraints and lexical restrictions influence L1 perception of the L2 voicing contrasts in word-final postvocalic plosives and that variation in vowel insertion after the plosives in our 2011 data collection is motivated by L1 phonology in both English and French loans. Variation in vowel insertion after English and French word-internal preconsonantal coda plosives is also affected by the native phonology in the 2011 data, no matter whether the plosives are released, as in French, or unreleased, as in English.


2021 ◽  
Vol 150 (4) ◽  
pp. A355-A355
Author(s):  
Antony Hernandez Mendoza ◽  
Jeung-Yoon Choi ◽  
Stefanie Shattuck-Hufnagel

2000 ◽  
Vol 108 (5) ◽  
pp. 2627-2628
Author(s):  
Kenneth N. Stevens ◽  
Samuel J. Keyser

2017 ◽  
Vol 141 (5) ◽  
pp. 3837-3837
Author(s):  
Tanya Talkar ◽  
Jennifer Zuk ◽  
Maria X. Guerrero ◽  
Jeung-Yoon Choi ◽  
Stefanie Shattuck-Hufnagel

2019 ◽  
Vol 146 (2) ◽  
pp. EL184-EL190 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shreya Huilgol ◽  
Jinwoo Baik ◽  
Stefanie Shattuck-Hufnagel

1973 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 534-544 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert L. Carpenter ◽  
David R. Rutherford

Discrimination ability of 15 aphasic, 10 normal, and 10 brain-damaged nonaphasic adults was assessed using a specially constructed discrimination test designed to assess ability to discriminate important acoustic cues for distinctive features of phonemes. A single acoustic cue, such as stopgap duration, spectrum of a consonantal burst peak, or direction and extent of a second-formant transition, created the only difference in minimal pairs which were otherwise acoustically identical. Three of the subtests utilized a spectral cue and three a temporal cue. All subtests used human rather than synthesized speech, and each was altered by a variety of dubbing, filtering, and splicing procedures. Of the 15 aphasic subjects studied, seven failed both the discrimination test and a comprehension test, suggesting that their comprehension disturbances may arise from reduced ability to discriminate acoustic cues for speech sounds. In contrast, both the normal and brain-damaged nonaphasic groups were successful on the discrimination test, suggesting that failure on these discrimination tasks was not simply a function of age or brain damage per se. Moreover, discrimination failure by the aphasics was not evenly distributed. Rather, the aphasic subjects experienced significantly more failures on the temporal cues and were generally successful on the subtests involving cues of a spectral nature.


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