scholarly journals Data-Driven Analytics for China’s Overseas Construction Projects in the Contexts of the Maritime Silk Road and Global Maritime Network

Complexity ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Zhi-Hua Hu

The Belt and Road (BR) Initiative (BRI) is usually examined in geopolitics perspectives, while the studies ignored the consistency of the BRI with the world economy and China’s historical international business. This study developed a maritime big data system to analyze global interactions upon the global maritime network generated from the system. The BR is coupled with Chinese overseas construction projects (COCPs) in the context of the global maritime network by data-driven analytics methods. A network is developed by extracting the spatial interactions among maritime ports, and time and spatial analyzing methods are used for vessel flows among maritime ports. Then, nine analytical experiments are conducted to examine the relations between COCP and BRI. The figure of the BR emerges from COCP and the maritime network. The BR region and especially the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road (MSR) had emerged as a definite shape ten years ago. The BRI creates additional opportunities in developing the Silk Road Economic Belt (SREB) and the connectivity between BR and the world. The policy implications considering China, regions, and global communities are further be studied. The BR is investigated by using the big data coupled with the COCP other than just depicting from geographical and economic views.

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (8) ◽  
pp. 2216 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chuchu Zhang ◽  
Chaowei Xiao ◽  
Helin Liu

As many regions along the Belt and Road have long been struggling with terrorist attacks, crimes, wars, and corruption, political risks pose important challenges for infrastructure projects and transnational investment. The objective of the article is to contribute to the identification of different types of political risks along the Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st Century Maritime Silk Road, and the visualization of their micro-level spatial distribution based on the Global Database of Events, Language, and Tone (GDELT) datasets from October 2013 to May 2018. By adopting the bivariate Moran’s I model to compare the distribution of political risks along the Belt and Road and that of the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) investment and construction projects based on data from the China Global Investment Tracker (CGIT), the article also generates an overall political risk profile for Chinese BRI projects. Our findings show that a particularly high percentage of Chinese BRI projects are distributed in regions with high political risks. This research has important implications for the discussion and study of the BRI. First, by combining geographic spatial statistical analysis and political science conceptual frameworks, we point out the necessity to query the BRI from interdisciplinary perspectives grounded in empirical research. Second, the research delivers to researchers, academics, practitioners, consultants and policy makers interested in the BRI the latest insights into the risks and challenges along the Belt and Road. Third, it advocates policies and strategies conducive to identifying, assessing and mitigating political risks in investment along the Belt and Road and to strengthening the sustainable development of the BRI.


2018 ◽  
Vol 01 (02) ◽  
pp. 1850010
Author(s):  
Sui Noi Goh

China’s ambitious initiative to build infrastructure in dozens of countries along land and sea trade routes stretching from China to Africa and Europe is set to grow bigger than first envisaged in 2013. Added to the original overland Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road is the Polar Silk Road, now written into China’s Arctic Policy that was published in January 2018. The China-centric initiative also got itself written into the Chinese Communist Party’s constitution in October 2017, leading many outside China to view it as more than an economic plan to build infrastructure to facilitate trade and boost development in developing countries. Foreign observers see it also as a scheme to expand China’s influence overseas by binding other nations more closely to it economically. That there is demand for the infrastructure that the Chinese want to build is unquestionable — in Asia alone, to keep the economies humming, there is a need to invest US$1.7 trillion annually in infrastructure up till 2030. However, the security and financial risks of this venture are daunting to investors as the routes run through some of the riskiest countries in the world. The situation is not helped by suspicion over China’s intentions and concerns about the lack of transparency and whether tender processes meet international standards. China needs to listen to and allay the concerns of governments, corporations and international organizations to gain their support and participation in this project that is so massive it cannot pull off alone.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kaiqiang Xiao ◽  
Liang Chen

Abstract: in 2013, President Xi put forward the strategic ideas of "Silk Road Economic Belt" and "21st Century Maritime Silk Road" during his visit to central Asia and South Asia, which gained extensive attention from the international community. To promote the implementation of the "The Belt and Road" initiative, it is necessary to not only build good infrastructure to promote economic and trade exchanges between countries, but also create a good public opinion environment to enhance exchanges and mutual trust between countries. New media, as one of the main channels of information communication in the current era, plays an important role in spreading the culture of "The Belt and Road" initiative and promoting economic cooperation among countries with its characteristics of flexibility, interactivity and high efficiency. Exploring the role of new media in promoting the political, cultural and economic aspects of the "The Belt and Road" initiative will be of great significance to mastering the power of discourse of the Silk Road and strengthening the exchanges and cooperation among countries along the route.


2021 ◽  
pp. 295-307
Author(s):  
Hans-Dietrich Haasis ◽  
Jianhui Du ◽  
Xuejun Sun

AbstractIn 2013, Chinese President Xi Jinping advised to establish the “Silk Road Economic Belt” and the “21st Century Maritime Silk Road,” also referred as the Belt and Road Initiative or the New Silk Roads Policy. The intention is to promote international and regional trade as well as cooperation in and between Asia and Europe. Consequently, international maritime and terrestrial freight transport corridors are either established or strengthened and operated. The purpose of this paper is to reflect the Belt and Road Initiative from the perspective of logistics. The aim is to identify and formulate circumstances, expectations, opportunities, and peculiarities of logistics along the New Silk Roads. For this purpose, four corresponding challenges will be considered and outlined after an introduction to the Belt and Road Initiative. The four logistics challenges concern the awareness of new freight transport corridors and the assessment of possibilities for opening new transport relations and new markets, the implementation of new and the adaptation of existing supply chains to increase strategic logistics flexibility, the availability and use of digital infrastructure and connectivity for improved communication and coordination of logistical processes, and the willingness to consider regional and cultural differences in the preparation and realization of supply chain decisions.


2018 ◽  
Vol 01 (03) ◽  
pp. 1850015
Author(s):  
Zheng Yongnian ◽  
Zhang Chi

On March 28, 2015, Chinese President Xi Jinping detailed his vision for the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road (hereinafter referred to as the Belt and Road) when attending the Boao Forum for Asia. After this, China’s National Development and Reform Commission, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and Ministry of Commerce jointly issued the “Vision and Actions on Jointly Building Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st Century Maritime Silk Road”, a sign that the Belt and Road Initiative promoted by China as a foreign cooperation platform entered its first year of implementation. This vision covers over half of the global population and involves more than 60 countries along the routes, the economic aggregates of which account for about one-third of the world. During 2015, Chinese President Xi Jinping and Premier Li Keqiang paid frequent visits to all continents in an effort to promote the implementation of the Belt and Road Initiative. At present, the Belt and Road Initiative has received positive responses from the countries along the routes, and a number of cooperation projects have been underway smoothly. With the implementation of the Belt and Road Initiative, China is forming a grand diplomatic landscape with “double legs” (a new type of major power relations and the Belt and Road Initiative) and a “single circle” (peripheral diplomacy). The Belt and Road Initiative highlights the spirit of the age, characterized by “peace, mutual respect, openness, and inclusiveness”, and has major international significance in helping China break through the security dilemma among nations, shoulder the responsibilities of a great power, and build China’s soft power in the international arena.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2019 ◽  
pp. 1-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lin Feng ◽  
Longfang Liu ◽  
He Zhang

The transport infrastructure connection is the fundamental base for the promotion of the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road under the background of the Belt and Road Initiative. Ports, as the core elements in the connection, contribute to the practical infrastructure connections along the maritime road. A multihierarchical cooperation framework in between the ports and based on the fair and mutual benefit concept is the cornerstone of constructing the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road and the engine fuelling the updation of Chinese seaports and growth. This paper first defines the port cooperation along the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road and analyses the opportunity and challenges from the perspectives of the port-industrial and the port-region interaction. Then, it develops research into port cooperation, path selection, cooperation mechanisms, and application conditions in analysing port FDI, BOT, port alliances, multimode transport, and the institutional innovation of China’s ports. In conclusion, we develop a game theory selection analysis to study multiwin cooperation for port FDI in host countries along the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 11
Author(s):  
Feri Ansori

<p><em>Abstrak - </em><strong>Kebangkitan China pada awal abad 21 dalam percaturan global dipandang sebagai sebuah fenomena yang menegaskan bahwa dominasi Barat akan segera berakhir dan muncul kekuatan global baru dari kawasan Asia. Hal ini ditanggapi beragam oleh berbagai kalangan, sebagian menganggapnya sebagai suatu hal yang positif, namun sebagian lagi menganggapnya sebagai satu ancaman. Terpilihnya Presiden Joko Widodo pada pemilu 2014 yang mengusung poros maritim dunia dengan tol laut sebagai agenda utama, memunculkan sebuah paradigma baru bagi pemerintah Indonesia dalam memandang Jalur Sutera Maritim Abad 21 (<em>21<sup>st</sup> Maritime Silk Road</em>) yang dicanangkan oleh China sebagai sebuah tantangan atau potensi. Konektifitas dalam <em>Belt and Road Iniative</em> s</strong><strong>ejalan dengan 5 (lima) pilar utama yang dicanangkan oleh Presiden Joko Widodo dalam program poros maritim dunia. Dalam mensinergikan kebijakan dua pemerintah ini, tentu saja hubungan </strong><strong><em>people-to-people</em></strong><strong> yang terjalin melalui hubungan sosial dan budaya menjadi pilar yang sangat penting. Bagaimana kebijakan pemerintah kedua negara dalam meningkatkan hubungan <em>people-to people</em>, akan sangat berpengaruh dalam keberhasilan kerjasama ini. Makalah ini memaparkan perkembangan hubungan sosial budaya Indonesia-China melalui berbagai kegiatan di Pusat Bahasa Mandarin di Unversitas Al Azhar Indonesia. Pusat Bahasa Mandarin mungkin mampu mengurangi kesan negatif sebagian masyarakat Indonesia terhadap China, tapi terbatas hanya pada beberapa orang saja yang terlibat erat dalam lembaga tersebut.</strong><strong></strong></p><p> </p><p><strong><em>Kata Kunci</em></strong><em> - Poros maritim dunia, Jalur sutera maritim abad 21, Indonesia, China, People-to-people</em></p><p> </p><p><em>Abstract - </em><strong>The rise of China in the early 21st century in the global arena is seen as a phenomenon that resists Western domination will coming to an end and emerging new global powers from the Asian region. This was responded to by various parties, some of them regarded it as a positive thing, but some regard it as a threat. The election of President Joko Widodo in 2014, which brings the maritime axis of the world with the sea toll as the main agenda, has created a new paradigm for the Indonesian government in the view of the <em>21st Maritime Silk Road</em> by China as a challenge or potential. Connectivity in <em>Belt and Road Iniative</em> is consistent with 5 (five) main pillars proclaimed by President Joko Widodo in the world maritime axis program. In synergizing this, of course the <em>people-to-people</em> relationship that exists through social and cultural relationships becomes a very important pillar. How government policies of both countries in improving <em>people-to people</em> relationship, will be very influential in the success of this cooperation. This paper describes the development of socio-cultural relations between Indonesia and China through various activities at the Mandarin Language Center at Al Azhar University of Indonesia. The Chinese Language Center may be able to reduce the negative impression of Indonesian society on China, but only to a few people who are closely involved in the institution.</strong></p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong><em>Keywords</em></strong><em> -<strong> </strong>World maritime axis, 21st century maritime silk trail, Indonesia, China, People-to-people<strong></strong></em></p>


2021 ◽  
pp. 94-101
Author(s):  
Gabit. A. Iskakov Iskakov ◽  
Zhandos K. Kegenbekov Kegenbekov

The idea of the New Silk Road project (also Belt and Road Initiative – BRI) was first pitched in 2013 by the President of the People's Republic of China (PRC) Xi Jinping. This project contains the Silk Road Economic Belt as well as the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road. The main goal of this project is the creation a modern transport infrastructure in Eurasia, in order to optimize shipping of goods between Asia and Europe. Since then, this project was in an active development that involves building and optimization of the transport infrastructure, integration of the project into the economy of the involved countries, signing agreements and deals between the countries and also improving the relationship between PRC and countries-participants of this project. Because this project is considered global and international for Eurasia, Kazakhstan views it as an important for the political and economical state of the country. The geographic position of the country makes it one of the most important participants of the project.  This factor makes it important to identify other reasons behind this idea of Kazakhstan being an important destination of economical investment of PRC. Other important objectives are role and involvement of Kazakhstan in the development of the BRI project. This article reviews the Belt and Road Initiative project, how Kazakhstan is involved in this project and its role in it in the economical, political and logistical areas. The results of the implementation of the project is also present in this article.


2015 ◽  
Vol 01 (02) ◽  
pp. 325-345 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lingjie Kong

Outstanding territorial and boundary disputes both on land and at sea between China and many of its neighbors remain a most sensitive, complicated, and enduring matter in their bilateral relations. In 2013, China proposed the Belt and Road Initiative, which aims to promote connectivity and cooperation between China and the rest of the world through the land-based Silk Road Economic Belt and the oceangoing Maritime Silk Road. Under this Initiative, frontiers, land boundaries, borderlands, maritime boundaries, and the ocean enjoy unique positions. Obviously, impacts of these outstanding territorial and boundary disputes on the Initiative should not be underestimated. Meanwhile, the Initiative can facilitate cooperation between China and other disputant states on conflict management and dispute resolution. But such an effect should not be overestimated. Indeed, it can have a side effect, inducing some disputant states to take more provocative actions.


Author(s):  
Xiang Li ◽  
Mengqi Shao ◽  
May Tan-Mullins

President Xi Jinping announced the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI一带一路) in 2013. The BRI, which will pass through over 60 countries in Asia, Europe, Middle East, and Africa, aims at improving and creating new trading routes and investment opportunities. It consists of the Silk Road Economic Belt (SREB) and the Maritime Silk Road Initiative (MSRI), and is a continuation of China’s “opening up” policy. It comprises six overland and one maritime economic cooperation corridors, supporting the expansion of Chinese enterprises abroad to facilitate industrial upgrading at home, paving the way for Chinese outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) and trade abroad, and advancing the internationalization of the Chinese currency. In addition, the project is welcomed by recipient countries due to their need for infrastructure investment. China remains the biggest player in the initiation and implementation of BRI projects. As such, the impact of Chinese projects on the economic, political, cultural, and environmental fabric of host countries will likely be dramatic, especially since many BRI projects are large-scale infrastructure projects that cut across different regions and states. The COVID-19 pandemic further implicated the progress of BRI projects in these areas.


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