A Network Analysis of Twitter Interactions by Members of the U.S. Congress

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Joshua M. Chamberlain ◽  
Francesca Spezzano ◽  
Jaclyn J. Kettler ◽  
Bogdan Dit
Keyword(s):  
Political Ideology ◽  
Public Perception ◽  
Rank Correlation ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Detection Algorithms ◽  
Spearman’S Rank Correlation ◽  
Echo Chamber ◽  
Increasing Risk ◽  
Chamber Effect

Usage of Twitter by politicians has become more prevalent in recent years, with a goal of influencing the electorate and public perception. We collect, explore, and analyze over 12 years of public Twitter interactions of U.S. senators and representatives. Using community detection algorithms on these interaction networks, and without considering the content of the tweets, we are able to infer the political affiliation of each member of Congress with up to 98.8% accuracy in the House and 94.1% accuracy in the Senate. In addition, we define two metrics that can determine the political ideology of members of Congress achieving a very high Spearman’s rank correlation of 0.86 with the existing DW-NOMINATE score from the field of political science. Finally, we expand our structural analysis to intra-party factions and found evidence that some factions act on Twitter more cohesively than others, suggesting an increasing risk of an echo chamber effect when promoting their political agenda.

Agenda Setting in Political Decision Making

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Klüser ◽  
Marco Radojevic
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Comparative Politics ◽  
Agenda Setting ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Decision ◽  
Setting Process ◽  
Policy Agendas ◽  
Political Decision Making

Research on policy agendas and agenda-setting has developed into an important subdiscipline of comparative politics, which seeks to understand how political actors allocate scarce attention. The theoretical origins of the field describe agenda-setting as a “conflict of conflicts,” that is the political struggle over the question of which issues receive attention. Modern scholars have expanded on these ideas and turned them into important theoretical models of the agenda-setting process. The most influential of these models are Kingdon’s multiple streams approach and Baumgartner and Jones’ punctuated equilibrium theory. The former analyses the emergence of issues in the separate streams of policies, politics, and problems, whose coupling is necessary for any issue in order to be considered for political decision-making. In contrast, the latter stresses the importance of negative and positive feedback mechanisms in order to explain long periods of incremental policy change and sudden radical changes, which characterize the policy process. Inspired by the second approach is the Comparative Agendas Project, which is a comprehensive and comparative data collection effort about policy agendas using a unified taxonomy. These data enable scholars to research the entire political process from media inputs via government throughput to legislative output. Studying governmental agendas, it is paramount to stress that—against common wisdom—political ideology does not play a decisive role in the agenda-setting process. Rather, both leftist and rightist governments seek to portray themselves as potent problem-solvers and respond to problematic societal condition in order to prove their competence. Looking at the media as one potentially powerful political agenda-setter, it turns out that newspapers and television channels’ power to steer the political agenda hinges on a variety of conditions. Generally, media outlets are most successful in setting the agenda if they report on issues that otherwise would not have been brought to the public’s attention. But even then, the media’s role appears to be restricted to narrowing down the issue menu from which politicians can choose when setting their agenda. The study of political agendas is by no means limited to these areas, as shown by the hundreds of articles that have been published in major political science journals over the past decades. While the agenda approach has not yet developed into a theory of politics, it has certainly become a major subdiscipline of comparative politics, which has helped make sense of the political world.

The Public Backlash against PACs

1983 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 133-144 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Prakash Sethi ◽  
Nobuaki Namiki
Keyword(s):  
Political Ideology ◽  
Public Perception ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Demographic Characteristics ◽  
Political Action Committees ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Affiliation ◽  
The Public ◽  
Highly Correlated

The American public distrusts political action committees and considers them harmful to the nation's democratic political process. This negative reaction is independent of socioeconomic and demographic characteristics, political ideology, and party affiliation, but is highly correlated with optimism about the future and confidence in the nation's political, legal, and economic institutions and their leaders. The findings of this study suggest that business must undertake substantive and communications-related measures to improve public perception of PAC activities if it is to maintain societal legitimacy in its involvement in the political process.

Kämpfe um Bergbau und die Möglichkeiten demokratischer Transformation

2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (189) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristina Dietz
Keyword(s):  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Social Power ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Political Effects ◽  
Mining Project ◽  
National Governments ◽  
The Relationship

The article explores the political effects of popular consultations as a means of direct democracy in struggles over mining. Building on concepts from participatory and materialist democracy theory, it shows the transformative potentials of processes of direct democracy towards democratization and emancipation under, and beyond, capitalist and liberal democratic conditions. Empirically the analysis is based on a case study on the protests against the La Colosa gold mining project in Colombia. The analysis reveals that although processes of direct democracy in conflicts over mining cannot transform existing class inequalities and social power relations fundamentally, they can nevertheless alter elements thereof. These are for example the relationship between local and national governments, changes of the political agenda of mining and the opening of new spaces for political participation, where previously there were none. It is here where it’s emancipatory potential can be found.

A Study of the Relationships between Nursing Students’ Meanings of Life, Positive Beliefs, and Well-Being

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (01) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fu-Ju Tsai ◽  
Cheng-Yu Chen ◽  
Gwo-Liang Yeh ◽  
Yih-Jin Hu ◽  
Chie-Chien Tseng ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Health Promotion ◽  
Nursing Students ◽  
Analysis Of Variance ◽  
Rank Correlation ◽  
Meaning Of Life ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Social Health ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Nursing Educators ◽  
Spearman’S Rank Correlation

Background: Nursing educators should train nursing students to pursue physical, psychological, spiritual, and social health promotion. The purpose of this study was to explore relationships between nursing students’ meaning of life, positive beliefs, and well-being. Methods: A cross-sectional correlational study with a quantitative approach was adopted. Purposive sampling was used. A total of 170 nursing students voluntarily participated in this study. A 56-item questionnaire was used to examine nursing students’ meaning of life (1-25 items), positive beliefs (1-11 items), and well-being (1-20 items). The content validity index (CVI) of the study questionnaire was established as 0.95 by seven expert scholars. The reliability values for the three parts of the measure were as follows: meaning of life, Cronbach’s α 0.96; positive beliefs, Cronbach’s α 0.93; and well-being, Cronbach’s α 0.95. Percentages, frequencies, means, SDs, Kruskal-Wallis one-way analysis of variance by rank, Spearman’s rank correlation, one-way analysis of variance, Spearman’s rho correlation, and regression analysis were used for the data analysis. Results: Nursing students had the following mean scores: meaning of life with 4.02 (SD 0.56); positive beliefs with 3.92 (SD 0.62); and well-being with 3.95 (SD 0.57). The results indicate that for all nursing students, meaning of life was positively correlated with positive beliefs, r=0.83 (P<.01); similarly, all nursing students had positive beliefs that were positively correlated with meaning of life, r=0.83 (P<.01). In the results of the study, the nursing students’ background, meaning of life and positive beliefs explained 63% of the variance in well-being (Adjusted R2 squared =0.63, F=33.41, P<.001). Conclusions: Nursing students’ sense of meaning of life and positive beliefs may impact their well-being. Therefore, nursing educators can promote meaning of life and positive beliefs to nursing students as a way to increase their well-being for physical, psychological, spiritual, and social health promotion.

“There is such a situation that Comrade Svoboda is under pressure”. The Soviet leadership and the settlement of relations with Czechoslovakia. May 1969

2019 ◽  
pp. 512-519
Author(s):  
Teymur Dzhalilov ◽  
Nikita Pivovarov
Keyword(s):  
Central Committee ◽  
Secretary General ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Soviet Government ◽  
Soviet Leadership ◽  
Policy Issues ◽  
The World ◽  
The Common

The published document is a part of the working record of The Secretariat of the CPSU Central Committee on May 5, 1969. The employees of The Common Department of the CPSU Central Committee started writing such working records from the end of 1965. In contrast to the protocols, the working notes include speeches of the secretaries of the Central Committee, that allow to deeper analyze the reactions of the top party leadership, to understand their position regarding the political agenda. The peculiarity of the published document is that the Secretariat of the Central Committee did not deal with the most important foreign policy issues. It was the responsibility of the Politburo. However, it was at a meeting of the Secretariat of the Central Committee when Brezhnev raised the question of inviting G. Husák to Moscow. The latter replaced A. Dubček as the first Secretary of the Communist party of Czechoslovakia in April 1969. As follows from the document, Leonid Brezhnev tried to solve this issue at a meeting of the Politburo, but failed. However, even at the Secretariat of the Central Committee the Leonid Brezhnev’s initiative at the invitation of G. Husák was not supported. The published document reveals to us not only new facets in the mechanisms of decision-making in the CPSU Central Committee, the role of the Secretary General in this process, but also reflects the acute discussions within the Soviet government about the future of the world socialist systems.

La política migratoria de Ecuador hacia Colombia Entre la integración y la “contención“

2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 45-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcela Ceballos Medina
Keyword(s):  
Immigration Policy ◽  
Forced Migration ◽  
Two Dimensions ◽  
Politique Publique ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
South American ◽  
Internal Armed Conflict ◽  
Normative Framework ◽  
South American Region

This article examines Ecuadoran policy toward the forced migration of Colombians to Ecuador. It identifies the main changes in Ecuadoran immigration policy, including asylum, for the period 1996-2008. To do this, the author examines two dimensions of immigration policy: the normative framework and political practices (implementation of the normative framework). The article tries to answer the following questions: What are the main changes in Ecuadoran immigration policy toward Colombian forced migration? How can we explain those changes? The author suggests that the policy oscillates between regional or binational integration and border contention. The variables that explain those changes are: (1) the magnitude of Colombian migration; (2) the transnational dynamics of the internal armed conflict along the Colombia-Ecuador border and the political context in Ecuador; and (3) the international relations of Colombia and Ecuador and the political agenda of the South American region.Spanish El propósito del artículo es examinar la respuesta del Estado ecuatoriano a las migraciones forzadas de colombianos hacia ese país, identificando los principales cambios en la política de inmigración (incluida la política de asilo y refugio) de Ecuador durante el periodo 1996- 2008. Para ello, se observan dos dimensiones de la política migratoria ecuatoriana: 1) el marco normativo y 2) las prácticas políticas para la implementación de las normas. La autora se propone responder a las preguntas ¿Cuáles son los principales cambios en la política migratoria del Estado ecuatoriano hacia las migraciones colombianas? ¿Cómo se explican esos cambios? Concluye que la política migratoria de Ecuador hacia las migraciones colombianas oscila entre una posición integracionista y abierta a la inmigración y una política de cierre de fronteras y contención del conflicto armado dentro del territorio colombiano. Las variables que explican dichos cambios son: 1) el creciente flujo de migrantes colombianos hacia Ecuador, 2) las dinámicas transnacionales del conflicto armado colombiano en la frontera y el contexto político al interior del Ecuador, y 3) las relaciones político-diplomáticas entre los dos países y la agenda política en la región suramericana.French Cet article examine la politique de l'Équateur concernant l'immigration forcée de Colombiens vers ce pays. Il identifie les changements principaux effectués dans la politique d'immigration équatorienne (en incluant la politique publique d'asile) pour la période 1996-2008. Dans ce but, l'auteur examine deux dimensions de la politique publique d'immigration : 1) le cadre normatif, et 2) les pratiques politiques (la mise en œuvre du cadre normatif). L'auteur souhaite répondre aux questions suivantes : quels sont les changements principaux dans la politique d'immigration équatorienne concernant les migrations colombiennes forcées ? Comment pouvons-nous expliquer ces changements ? L'hypothèse est que la politique d'immigration de l'Équateur oscille entre l'intégration régionale ou binationale et le contrôle des frontières. Les variables perme ant d'expliquer ces changements sont : 1) l'ampleur des migrations colombiennes vers l'Équateur ; 2) les dynamiques transnationales du conflit armé interne au niveau de la frontière colombo-équatorienne et le contexte politique en Équateur ; et 3) les relations internationales entre la Colombie et l'Équateur ainsi que l'agenda politique de la région sud-américaine.

YOUTH POLICY IN MODERN RUSSIA. ABSENTEEISM AND POLITICAL PROTEST

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
G.I. AVTSINOVA ◽  
М.А. BURDA
Keyword(s):  
Young People ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Protest ◽  
Youth Organizations ◽  
Youth Policy ◽  
The Government ◽  
Russian Politics ◽  
High Level

The article analyzes the features of the current youth policy of the Russian Federation aimed at raising the political culture. Despite the current activities of the government institutions in the field under study, absenteeism, as well as the protest potential of the young people, remains at a fairly high level. In this regard, the government acknowledged the importance of forming a positive image of the state power in the eyes of young people and strengthen its influence in the sphere of forming loyal associations, which is not always positively perceived among the youth. The work focuses on the fact that raising the loyalty of youth organizations is one of the factors of political stability, both in case of internal turbulence and external influence. The authors also focus on the beneficiaries of youth protests. The authors paid special attention to the issue of forming political leadership among the youth and the absence of leaders expressing the opinions of young people in modern Russian politics. At the same time, youth protest as a social phenomenon lack class and in some cases ideological differences. The authors come to the conclusion that despite the steps taken by the government and political parties to involve Russian youth in the political agenda, the young people reject leaders of youth opinion imposed by the authorities, either cultivating nonparticipation in the electoral campagines or demonstrating latent protest voting.

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