scholarly journals Utilization of community noise attitudinal survey data to effect program policy changes

1980 ◽  
Vol 67 (S1) ◽  
pp. S34-S34
Author(s):  
Patti Thiel Fricks ◽  
Richard B. Ranck
Author(s):  
Stuart Dunmore

This chapter considers the role that participants’ ideological and attitudinal stances play in determining their current language practices. Language practices among former-GME students – both the overall extent and nature of interviewees’ Gaelic use – were demonstrated in the previous chapter to be rather limited among the majority of participants, with past socialisation experiences emerging as a key consideration in interviewee accounts, questionnaire responses, and statistical correlations. Building on that understanding, this chapter presents an analysis of interviewees’ language ideologies with a view to understanding how interviewees’ beliefs and linguistic identities may also influence their language practices. Ideologies are particularly examined in respect of appropriate Gaelic use, the wider Gaelic community, and the perceived relevance of Gaelic for cultural identities. A quantitative perspective is then brought to bear on these considerations using online attitudinal survey data.


2020 ◽  
Vol 64 (9) ◽  
pp. 1299-1323
Author(s):  
Nicolás M. Somma ◽  
Matías Bargsted ◽  
Felipe Sánchez

Many studies reveal that socioeconomic resources increase protest participation, lending more political voice to the affluent and reinforcing preexisting political inequality. But existing studies ignore whether this holds across different protest issues. We argue that some issues reinforce political inequality, while other ones do not. We differentiate between survival protests—in which people react to direct threats to their material and social survival—and furtherance protests—which press authorities to make policy changes that seek to improve some aspect of society. Regression models with Latin American survey data show that people with higher socioeconomic status are overrepresented in furtherance protests, by implication reinforcing preexisting political inequality. However, survival protests attract people socioeconomically similar to national averages, contributing to a more balanced political field. Our results emphasize the need to reconsider the place of issues in the study of protest participation, political inequality, and political behavior in general.


1976 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 368-379 ◽  
Author(s):  
William H. McGlothlin

Both the court criteria for commitment and program policies have undergone significant changes in the past several years. The large majority of current commitments follow a felony conviction and typically occur only when the alternative sentencing disposition is more severe. Civil commitments without a criminal conviction are very rare. Program policy changes have resulted in a parole-incarceration time ratio of nearly 3:1 in comparison to 1:1 prior to 1970. A follow-up study of early commitments found that those continuing in the program generally performed better than a comparable sample discharged shortly after admission. Comparisons under the strict (pre-1970) and more lenient regimens showed roughly comparable behavior, but the availability of methadone maintenance was also a significant factor in reducing heroin use during the latter period.


Data & Policy ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
Author(s):  
Madeleine Sumption

Abstract Large-scale population surveys have been an important source of data for the study of migration, and in many countries provide the only widely accessible data on migrants’ characteristics and outcomes after they arrive. For immigration policymakers, however, official survey data have some important limitations. Nonresponse to surveys is particularly likely to affect newly arrived migrants, biasing analysis toward more settled populations who have different characteristics (e.g., different fiscal costs), and hindering analysis of how integration outcomes evolve after arrival. Survey data are not well suited to capturing the dynamics of a mobile population, particularly among groups of migrants who spend substantial periods outside the country. And perhaps most importantly, official survey data usually identify migrants by country of birth and nationality (and sometimes self-reported reason for migration) but rarely include information on a person’s legal status either at arrival or at the time of data collection. This significantly limits the possibilities for evaluating policy and the impacts of policy changes: the characteristics of migrants coming for different reasons can vary enormously, so policymakers should be cautious about assuming that aggregate evidence on migrants or migration will be relevant to the specific routes on which they are taking decisions. This article illustrates some of these problems in practice showing how official survey data in the United Kingdom have been unable to answer one of the key questions facing the government, namely how many and which EU citizens need to apply to secure their residence rights after Brexit.


2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer Urban

*Abstract: *Alan Westin’s well-known and often-used privacy segmentation fails to describe privacy markets or consumer choices accurately. The segmentation divides survey respondents into “privacy fundamentalists,” “privacy pragmatists,” and the “privacy unconcerned.” It describes the average consumer as a “privacy pragmatist” who influences market offerings by weighing the costs and benefits of services and making choices consistent with his or her privacy preferences. Yet, Westin’s segmentation methods cannot establish that users are pragmatic in theory or in practice. Textual analysis reveals that the segmentation fails theoretically. Original survey data suggests that, in practice, most consumers are not aware of privacy rules and practices, and make decisions in the marketplace with a flawed, yet optimistic, perception of protections. Instead of acting as “privacy pragmatists,” consumers experience a marketplace myopia that causes them to believe that they need not engage in privacy analysis of products and services.Westin’s work has been used to justify a regulatory system where the burden of taking action to protect privacy rests on the very individuals who think it is already protected strongly by law. Our findings begin to suggest reasons behind both the growth of some information-intensive marketplace activities and some prominent examples of consumer backlash.Based on knowledge-testing and attitudinal survey work, we suggest that Westin’s approach actually segments two recognizable privacy groups: the “privacy resilient” and the “privacy vulnerable.” We then trace the contours of a more usable segmentation and consider whether privacy segmentations contribute usefully to political discourse on privacy.Available at SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=2514381


2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 33
Author(s):  
MARY ELLEN SCHNEIDER
Keyword(s):  

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