Evaluation of Globe Rupture Injury Mechanisms and Pressure Response of the Eye During Projectile Impact

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kelly Desharnais ◽  
Samantha Clark ◽  
Eric Kennedy
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Eye Injury ◽  
Eye Injuries ◽  
Risk Functions ◽  
Globe Rupture ◽  
Injury Mechanisms ◽  
Mass Size ◽  
Highly Correlated ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Relationship

In the United States, over 1.9 million civilian eye injuries occur annually [1]. Furthermore, with the recent conflict, the military has experienced a dramatic 17%–26% increase in rate of injury to the eyes [2]. Risk functions for various eye injuries, particularly globe rupture, have already been developed and show area-normalized energy (based on the mass, size, and velocity of the projectile) to be most highly correlated to injury [3–5]. However, it remains desirable to further investigate the relationship between area-normalized energy and the eye injury mechanism.

Georgia: Warlords, Generals, and Politicians

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Darchiashvili ◽  
Stephen Jones
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
The United States ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
Civil Military Relations ◽  
Executive Authority ◽  
Democratic Control ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Relationship

The balance between civil and military structures is central to understanding the development of Georgian statehood since the beginning of the 20th century. The first modern independent Georgian state was established after the 1917 Russian Revolution. The Democratic Republic of Georgia declared its independence in May 1918. In February 1921, the young republic was incorporated into the Soviet state and had no separate army of its own. Since regaining its independence in 1991, Georgia has experienced multiple administrations, and despite significantly different policies on the military, the overall pattern has been one of civilian (though not always democratic) control. Georgian militias and paramilitaries, between 1918 and 1921 and again between 1991 and 1995, played important roles in determining political power at times of revolutionary or constitutional crises. Since 1991 there have been three presidents - Zviad Gamsakhurdia, Eduard Shevardnadze, and Mikheil Saakashvili - with strong executive authority. In 2013, the position of president was made semi-ceremonial and a prime-ministerial system was instituted. Since 2013, there have been multiple prime ministers. Bidzina Ivanishvili was the first and the most powerful. All of Georgia’s leaders have shifted from a Soviet to pro-Western orientation. Since the second half of the 1990s, the relationship with NATO has grown closer, which has had a major impact on the structure of the Georgian armed forces and on their relationship with Georgia’s civil authorities. The 2008 war with Russia had a major impact on the Georgian military, and, since then, the level of professionalization of the Georgian armed forces has increased dramatically. Samuel Huntington, Eric Nordlinger, and other Western students of civil-military relations have pointed to the important balance required between civil and military authorities for a stable democracy. Georgia still displays continuing features of nepotism, clientelism, corruption, and dominant political personalities, which has significant consequences for the independence of the Georgian military and for civil-military relations more generally. Western states such as the United States and Germany, and international organizations like NATO continue to urge reform and provide training to the Georgian armed forces

The Politics of Intimate Care

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charissa J. Threat
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Social Relationships ◽  
The United States ◽  
Nurse Training ◽  
Army Nurse Corps ◽  
Military Nursing ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Relationship

This chapter traces the early evolution of nursing from the mid-nineteenth century through the early twentieth century, with particular emphasis on how nursing care became both gendered and racialized in civilian society. Focusing on the history of the Army Nurse Corps (ANC), it explores the relationship between the military and civilian populace to illuminate trends in nursing practices, debates about work, and concerns about war taking place in the larger civil society. It also examines how war and military nursing needs shaped the evolution of the modern nursing profession and how nursing became embroiled in the politics of intimate care, along with the implications for gender roles and race relations that permeated social relationships and interactions in civilian society. The chapter points to the Civil War as the transformative moment in the history of nursing in the United States, moving nursing from an unpaid obligation to a paid occupation. Finally, it discusses the impact of the introduction of formal nurse training during the last quarter of the nineteenth century on African American nurses.

scholarly journals Democracy, external threat, and military spending

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 205316802110496
Author(s):  
Matthew Hauenstein ◽  
Matthew Smith ◽  
Mark Souva
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Empirical Analysis ◽  
Military Spending ◽  
The United States ◽  
Regime Type ◽  
External Threat ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Relationship

A number of studies find that democracies spend less on their military than non-democracies. Yet there are well known counter-examples, including but not limited to the United States and Israel. We contend that these counter-examples are part of a larger pattern. The relationship between regime type and military spending is conditional on external threat. Among countries that do not perceive a significant external threat to their interests, democracies allocate considerably less to the military than non-democracies. However, democracies with a significant external threat do not allocate less to the military than non-democracies. The reason prior research consistently finds that democracies, on average, spend less on the military, even while controlling for external threat, is that democracies are much less likely to have a high external threat. For example, autocracies are nearly twice as likely as democracies to have a significant external threat in our sample. An empirical analysis of military spending from 1952–2000 is consistent with these expectations.

China, Russia, and Twenty-First Century Global Geopolitics

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul J. Bolt ◽  
Sharyl N. Cross
Keyword(s):  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
First Century ◽  
Major Powers ◽  
Security Issues ◽  
Energy Trade ◽  
Common Interests ◽  
Economic Ties ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Relationship

This book provides a comprehensive analysis of the Chinese–Russian bilateral relationship, grounded in a historical perspective, and discusses the implications of the partnership between these two major powers for world order and global geopolitics. The volume compares the national worldviews, priorities, and strategic visions for the Chinese and Russian leadership, examining several aspects of the relationship in detail. The energy trade is the most important component of economic ties, although both sides desire to broaden trade and investments. In the military realm, Russia sells advanced arms to China, and the two countries engage in regular joint exercises. Diplomatically, these two Eurasian powers take similar approaches to conflicts in Ukraine and Syria, and also cooperate on non-traditional security issues, including preventing colored revolutions, cyber management, and terrorism. These issue areas illustrate four themes. Russia and China have common interests that cement their partnership, including security, protecting authoritarian institutions, and reshaping aspects of the global order. They are key players challenging the United States and the Western liberal order, influencing not only regional issues, but also international norms and institutions. Nevertheless, Western nations remain important for China and Russia. Both seek better relations with the West, but on the basis of “mutual respect” and “equality.” Lastly, Russia and China have frictions in their relationship, and not all of their interests overlap. While the relationship has grown, particularly since 2014, China and Russia are partners but not allies.

An Organizational Perspective on the Military-Industrial Complex

1978 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 250-267 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert D. Cuff
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
The United States ◽  
Industrial Complex ◽  
World War ◽  
Goods And Services ◽  
Military Industrial Complex ◽  
Private And Public ◽  
The Military ◽  
Future Work ◽  
The Relationship

Is there a “military-industrial complex” in the United States? What is the relationship between business, government, and the military with its needs for vast quantities of goods and services? How has organization for war and defense changed since the demands of World War I first made such questions important? How much do we know about what actually happened between World War I and Vietnam to change the relationship between private and public organizations? Professor Cuff discusses the complexities involved in trying to answer such historical questions, and prescribes a professional historian's regimen for future work on this subject.

Militias and the Iraqi State

2020 ◽  
pp. 100-118
Author(s):  
Idean Salehyan
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
The United States ◽  
Conventional Wisdom ◽  
State Agents ◽  
Governance Strategy ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Over Time

According to conventional wisdom, states have a monopoly on the legitimate use of force within their territories, and delegate its operation to closely held state agents such as the military and police. Yet when faced with insurgencies, states often enlist the support of paramilitary organizations or militias. The competence–control tradeoff is especially stark in these cases, as states depend on capable militias to fight insurgents, but also risk losing control over them. This chapter examines the tradeoff in light of the relationship between militia groups and the Iraqi government. To bring a semblance of security to Iraq, both the United States and the Iraqi government used paramilitary groups such as the Sons of Iraq and the Kurdish Peshmerga. Following the withdrawal of US troops, the government has become increasingly beholden to Shia militias, yet the case defies a simple, sectarian logic. This chapter examines the choice of governance strategy vis-à-vis militias in Iraq, and changes in that strategy over time, providing insights into the governor’s dilemma, counterinsurgency strategy, and state formation.

Soviet Elite Participatory Attitudes in the Post-Stalin Period

1968 ◽  
Vol 62 (3) ◽  
pp. 827-839 ◽  
Author(s):  
Milton Lodge
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
The United States ◽  
Policy Formation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Attitudinal Change ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Changing Patterns ◽  
Set Up ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Relationship

This paper, part of a larger study, is a comparative analysis of five Soviet elites—the central Party apparatchicki, and four specialist elites: the central economic bureaucrats, the military, the literary intelligentsia, and the legal profession. By content analyzing representative periodicals for each elite, data are collected on elite attitudes toward participation in the political system. The overall goal is to gain a measure of the direction and scope of Soviet elite attitudinal change since Stalin; more specifically, (1) to measure the extent to which the elites perceive themselves as participants in the policy-making process, (2) to determine whether the elites perceive their participatory role as expanding over time, and (3) to demark changing patterns of Partyspecialist elite relations from 1952–65.To ground this study in a theoretical framework, analytical categories and hypotheses—derived in part from Brzezinski and Huntington's Political Power: USA/USSR—are formulated to test the perceived extent of elite participation in the Soviet political process. Synoptically, models of political systems may be built by reducing to essentials the mode of interaction between the regime and society. A key variable in analyzing this interaction between superstructure and base is the role and efficacy of societal groups in influencing policy formation and implementation. Following this tack a descriptive continuum may be set up for classifying political systems. At one end of the continuum are ideological systems (e.g., the USSR), at the other “instrumental” systems (e.g., the United States). In instrumental systems the relationship between the political and social system is characterized by “access and interaction.”

Evaluation of Different Projectiles in Matched Experimental Eye Impact Simulations

2011 ◽  
Vol 133 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ashley A. Weaver ◽  
Eric A. Kennedy ◽  
Stefan M. Duma ◽  
Joel D. Stitzel
Keyword(s):  
Motor Vehicle ◽  
Characteristic Curve ◽  
Relative Size ◽  
Peak Stress ◽  
Experimental Tests ◽  
The United States ◽  
Eye Injury ◽  
Air Gun ◽  
Globe Rupture ◽  
Projectile Impacts

Eye trauma results in 30,000 cases of blindness each year in the United States and is the second leading cause of monocular visual impairment. Eye injury is caused by a wide variety of projectile impacts and loading scenarios with common sources of trauma being motor vehicle crashes, military operations, and sporting impacts. For the current study, 79 experimental eye impact tests in literature were computationally modeled to analyze global and localized responses of the eye to a variety of blunt projectile impacts. Simulations were run with eight different projectiles (airsoft pellets, baseball, air gun pellets commonly known as BBs, blunt impactor, paintball, aluminum, foam, and plastic rods) to characterize effects of the projectile size, mass, geometry, material properties, and velocity on eye response. This study presents a matched comparison of experimental test results and computational model outputs including stress, energy, and pressure used to evaluate risk of eye injury. In general, the computational results agreed with the experimental results. A receiver operating characteristic curve analysis was used to establish the stress and pressure thresholds that best discriminated for globe rupture in the matched experimental tests. Globe rupture is predicted by the computational simulations when the corneoscleral stress exceeds 17.21 MPa or the vitreous pressure exceeds 1.01 MPa. Peak stresses were located at the apex of the cornea, the limbus, or the equator depending on the type of projectile impacting the eye. A multivariate correlation analysis revealed that area-normalized kinetic energy was the best single predictor of peak stress and pressure. Additional incorporation of a relative size parameter that relates the projectile area to the area of the eye reduced stress response variability and may be of importance in eye injury prediction. The modeling efforts shed light on the injury response of the eye when subjected to a variety of blunt projectile impacts and further validate the eye model’s ability to predict globe rupture. Results of this study are relevant to the design and regulation of safety systems and equipment to protect against eye injury.

Relationship between the use and type of eye protection and work-related corneal and conjunctival foreign body injuries

2020 ◽  
pp. injuryprev-2020-043958
Author(s):  
Fei Sun ◽  
Yongdong Zhou ◽  
Liqun Dong ◽  
Haofang Qin
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Body ◽  
Eye Injury ◽  
Eye Injuries ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
Eye Protection ◽  
Work Related ◽  
Eye Examination ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Structured Questionnaire

ObjectiveThis study was designed to reveal the relationship between the use and type of eye protection and the occurrence of work-related corneal and conjunctival foreign body injuries.MethodsThis is a retrospective cohort study of patients with work-related corneal and/or conjunctival foreign body injuries between 1 August 2017 and 31 July 2018. They were all diagnosed and treated at Jia Ding Hospital affiliated to the Shanghai University of Medicine and Health Sciences in Shanghai, China. All patients received a comprehensive eye examination and a face-to-face interview using a structured questionnaire by ophthalmologists.ResultsA total of 426 consecutive patients were included in the study. The majority of work-related eye injuries occurred in men (94.17%). Summer was the season that had the highest incidence of eye injuries, especially in July and August (38.03%). There were 290 patients (68.08%) that were injured more than once. The ratio of eye protection use to non-protection was 1:7 at the first time of eye injury. The ratio improved to 1:3 on subsequent injury. A majority of employers (79.11%) provided eye protection to employees. However, 19.95% of the workers were injured despite wearing a pair of protective spectacles. The causes of work-related eye injury were as follows: no eye protections provided (20.89%); unawareness of work safety (30.99%); defect of spectacles (47.18%).ConclusionsProtection use at work effectively prevents work-related eye injuries. Both employers and employees require improved awareness of workplace hazards and personal protection. Eye protection should be selected appropriately according to the work environment.

The Relationship Between a Kelsenian Constitutional Court and an Entrenched National Ideology: Lessons from Thailand and Indonesia

ICL Journal ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 497-521
Author(s):  
Rawin Leelapatana ◽  
Abdurrachman Satrio Pratomo
Keyword(s):  
Western Europe ◽  
The United States ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Constitutional Courts ◽  
Constitutional Review ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Hans Kelsen ◽  
National Ideology ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract Hans Kelsen was a pro-democracy Austrian jurist, who, owing to his Jewish ancestry, was forced to flee to the United States of America after Adolf Hitler’s rise to power. His well-known theory of centralised constitutional review has not only influenced the design of many constitutional courts in Western Europe. It has also expanded to other parts of the world, including Thailand and Indonesia. Having determined to break with their authoritarian pasts, these two Southeast Asian countries decided to establish a Constitutional Court (in 1997 in Thailand and in 2003 in Indonesia), to consolidate their democratic transition as well as to safeguard democracy from attack. This decision inevitably brought the liberal-democratic assumptions underlying Kelsen’s model into competition with entrenched national ideologies traditionally exploited by political power holders and the military to preserve their hegemony – Thai-ness in Thailand and Pancasila in Indonesia. In contrast to Kelsen’s original theory, both these ideologies advocate strong leadership, national harmony and social hierarchy. This paper explores the extent to which the ideological hegemony of Thai-ness and Pancasila affects the performance and jurisprudence of the Thai and Indonesian Constitutional Courts respectively. An alternative understanding of the implementation of the Kelsenian-style Constitutional Court in the absence of its facilitative conditions will ultimately be proposed.

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