World Englishes, translingualism, and racialization in the US college composition classroom

2020 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 263-274
Author(s):  
Eunjeong Lee ◽  
Sara P. Alvarez
2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 23-31
Author(s):  
Elena A. Kartushina

Being a global language English undergoes certain changes and acquires different varieties known as pre-pidgin forms when English serves as a lexificator language. The number of these “Worlds Englishes” is constantly growing and changing, but on the other hand, based on some personal perceptions, we could notice certain reluctance among linguists to examine and describe the language fusions of such kind. The author analyses the concept of World Englishes noting that there is no unity among both Russian and Western linguists towards the terminology and types of World Englishes. Another review covers the mixture of English and Finnish under question that was formed in the US. Special attention is paid to the pshyco-linguistic theories explaining the emergence of both types of pre-pidgins. The author used social network Twitter with “Finglish” as a hash tag as the material for the study. To give a certain estimate to the pragmatic side of it it also carried out a contextual analysis of all the twits with the respective hash tag. The research interest is to specify the connotation, i. e. pragmatic aspect of it that micro context of a twit post might reveal. Overall, we have analyzed 398 twit inscriptions dated from 2009 until 2018. The paper describes three types of pragmatic attitudes to Finglish: neutral (which is typical to the code switching), irony and negative. It is almost impossible to predict whether this pre-pidgin form will develop further or would be restricted (with variable degree of frequency) by social networks and/or informal aural communication, but what is certain is that this form of the language takes place at present and thus linguists cannot ignore it.


Author(s):  
Stephanie N. Phillips

As the landscape for communication changes with new and evolving digital technologies, the format for college composition classrooms must change and adapt as well. If we are moving towards compositions that are created by and mediated through a screen, we must adopt new approaches for talking about and teaching these new forms of language and communication. During the fall 2014 semester, I was given the opportunity to teach a composition class focused on digital rhetoric. As a facet of the classroom experience, my students created and used Twitter accounts for fictional characters. Utilizing Twitter within the composition classroom allowed students to compose as a part of a much larger network of actors that interact with the texts they create. As a form of networked communication, the compositions created by students through this medium demanded interaction and engagement in a way that a classroom composition, shared only between student and instructor, does not.


Author(s):  
Sofia Rüdiger

This chapter applies the EIF Model by Buschfeld and Kautzsch (2017) to the case of South Korea, where English has a special status due to the military involvement of the US after World War II, and where the desire for English is both strong and persistent. The continuing deployment of American soldiers to South Korea in combination with the factors of globalization and the global mobility of individuals contributes to a strong presence of English in the East Asian nation. This chapter proposes to add the factors of ‘presence of English in the linguistic landscape and within the L1’ as well as ‘cultural phenomena’ to the forces to be included in the EIF Model as these potentially influence further development of the respective variety. Consequently, English loanwords in Korean and the phenomenon of K-Pop are discussed from a World Englishes perspective. In the end, South Korea is placed between the stabilization (phase 2) and nativization phase (phase 3) of the EIF Model.


English Today ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
Siranush Seyranyan ◽  
Michael Westphal

English today is a conglomerate of a vast array of different varieties of English. This linguistic diversity, captured most prominently in the World Englishes paradigm (Kachru, 1985), poses a challenge to English language teaching (ELT) in countries where English does not have an official status (i.e. there is no codified local norm) and is learned as a foreign language, such as Armenia or Germany. Learners of English in these countries are norm-dependent on ‘standard’ Englishes spoken as a native language (Kachru, 1985) as the models of teaching (Galloway & Rose, 2015: 196–198; Matsuda and Friedrich, 2012: 21–22). These ‘Standard Englishes’ are abstract and idealized concepts as they are never fully realized by speakers in their ‘clearly delimited, perfectly uniform, and perfectly stable’ (Milroy, 2001: 543) form. However, they are powerful ideas in the minds of speakers – and learners in particular – as the models of language teaching. Standard British (StBE) and Standard American English (StAmE) and their associated prestige accents Received Pronunciation and General American traditionally serve as the models of language teaching for learners (Kirkpatrick, 2007: 184–189; Phillipson, 1992: 136–172). StBE has long been considered the global prestige accent variety but Bayard et al. (2001: 41–43) hypothesize that it is gradually replaced by StAmE due to the global availability of the US media.


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