scholarly journals Punitive benefit sanctions, welfare conditionality, and the social abuse of unemployed people in Britain: Transforming claimants into offenders?

2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 278-294 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sharon Wright ◽  
Del Roy Fletcher ◽  
Alasdair B. R. Stewart
2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 156-173
Author(s):  
Natalia Padilla-Zea ◽  
Stefania Aceto ◽  
Daniel Burgos

Social PlaNet is a gamified learning platform to train social economy entrepreneurship, which has been developed in the Social Seducement Erasmus+ project. The main aim of this project is offering a labour option to long-term unemployed people in scenarios with poor working offers by promoting self-employment and local development. As a result of the shared work of partners from different disciplines, Social PlaNet has been developed based on the selection of a good pedagogical approach, the challenges of managing disadvantaged groups of people and the need to increase motivation while keeping the process similar to reality. From this research, the gamification approach inserted in a graphic scenario has been revealed as a good option to promote the acquisition of soft and inter-personal skills. Furthermore, the figure of facilitator is a engine to foster, guide and monitor the group of these groups of potential social entrepreneurs.


Author(s):  
Natalia Padilla-Zea ◽  
Stefania Aceto ◽  
Daniel Burgos

Social Seducement is an Erasmus+ project aimed to improve the social inclusiveness of adults in risks of social exclusion by training them in the social economy. To do it, the gamified learning tool Social PlaNet was developed, trying to offer an efficient and attractive training plan on social economy entrepreneurship. This particular kind of economy brings several benefits to this target group, since it develops the action to benefit the local community and is usually run in groups. Moreover, the fact of training in entrepreneurship also provides long-term unemployed people to own their possibilities of work and, that way, to feel included in society again. In this chapter, an overview of the project and its outcomes are presented.


1990 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 248-264
Author(s):  
Jürgen Stein

Abstract In spite of accelerated economical growth disadvantaged groups (p. e. handicapped or unemployed people, refugees) might be »non-winners« of a European Single Market now determinating the structures of any future »European House«. The responsibility of diaconia is to prevent a split between those citizens who are able to of T er mobility and flexibility and rely on effective multinational pressure-groups and those who do not. With help from concerned organs of the E. C. diaconia might benefit from an enhanced exchange of experiences, define the social responsibility of the churches in Europe and participate in the shaping of a common future.


2012 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Bartelheimer ◽  
Joan Miquel Verd ◽  
René Lehweß-Litzmann ◽  
Martí López-Andreu ◽  
Tanja Schmidt

Over the past 20 years, the social protection measures devoted to unemployed people in Europe have become more diverse. In an attempt to complement or curb cash transfers, many countries have put measures, services in kind and activation policies at the centre of social protection against unemployment. This article compares two countries with different policies: Spain, which still has very ‘traditional’ unemployment support with little emphasis on activation, and Germany, where there has in recent years been rapid change towards activation measures. The article evaluates these policies and their consequences on the unemployed by means of the capability model, investigating comparatively the effects of institutional intervention on the real set of options available to the unemployed in finding a decent job or pursuing training or other activities. The authors argue that cash transfers can increase capabilities ‘by default’, whereas more intervention-oriented public employment services need to give unemployed workers an active part in ‘tailoring’ supports to their needs. En Europe, au cours de ces 20 dernières années, les mesures de protection sociale destinées aux chômeurs ont connu une diversification croissante. Pour tenter de compléter ou de réduire les transferts d’argent, de nombreux pays ont placé des mesures, des services en nature et des politiques d’activation au coeur de la protection sociale contre le chômage. Cet article compare deux pays menant des politiques différentes: l’Espagne, qui connaît toujours un soutien très « traditionnel » en faveur des chômeurs et met peu l’accent sur l’activation, et l’Allemagne, qui a connu ces dernières années un changement rapide en faveur des mesures d’activation. L’article évalue ces politiques et leurs conséquences sur les chômeurs au moyen du modèle des capacités, en étudiant dans une perspective comparative les effets de l’intervention institutionnelle sur l’éventail des options réellement disponibles aux chômeurs pour trouver un emploi décent, pour suivre une formation ou pour mener d’autres activités. Les auteurs indiquent que les transferts d’argent peuvent accroître les capacités « par défaut » alors que les services publics de l’emploi davantage axés sur l’orientation doivent donner aux travailleurs sans emploi un rôle actif pour que les soutiens apportés soient davantage « taillés sur mesure », en fonction de leurs besoins. In den vergangenen zwanzig Jahren haben sich die sozialen Sicherungen für Arbeitslose in Europa ausdifferenziert. Um Geldleistungen zu ergänzen oder zu beschneiden, haben viele Staaten Dienstleistungen und Aktivierungsmaßnahmen in den Mittelpunkt der sozialen Sicherung bei Arbeitslosigkeit gestellt. Dieser Artikel vergleicht zwei Länder, deren politische Strategien sich unterscheiden: Spanien erbringt vor allem “traditionelle” Lohnersatzleistungen und verfolgt kaum aktivierende Ansätze, wogegen Deutschland in den letzten Jahren rasch auf einen Aktivierungskurs einschwenkte. Dieser Artikel nutzt das Modell der Verwirklichungschancen (“capabilities”), um diese politischen Strategien und ihre Wirkungen für die Arbeitslosen zu evaluieren. Er untersucht vergleichend, wie die institutionellen Interventionen sich auf die Bündel wirklicher Optionen auswirken, über die Arbeitslose verfügen, um eine angemessene Stelle zu finden, sich beruflich weiterzubilden oder anderen Aktivitäten nachzugehen. Der Autorin und den Autoren zufolge können Lohnersatzleistungen als “hilfsweise” chancenfreundlich gelten. Eine stärker auf Intervention orientierte Arbeitsverwaltung müsste jedoch Arbeitsuchende aktiver daran beteiligen, Unterstützungsleistungen “passgenau” an ihren Bedarfen auszurichten.


Author(s):  
Daniel Poitras

RésuméL’action sociale étudiante est un chapitre largement inconnu de l’histoire des étudiants au Québec, qui ont surtout retenu l’attention pour leurs coups de gueule ou d’éclat. L’histoire des Travailleurs étudiants du Québec (TEQ) vient démentir cette représentation. Les TEQ (1964-1967) qui ont œuvré auprès des familles démunies, des ouvriers, des chômeurs et des jeunes de la rue dans des milieux s’étendant de Gaspé à Thetford Mines se voulaient éducateurs, animateurs sociaux et organisateurs communautaires. Ils cherchaient à susciter des prises de conscience citoyennes et à encourager des initiatives et des structures locales pouvant mener à une véritable société de participation. Dans cet article, je démontre de quelle façon l’Action sociale étudiante (ASE) québécoise opérait à partir de traditions (étudiantes, sociales et politiques) et se projetait dans le futur en réarticulant constamment son idéalisme et son pragmatisme. Pendant ses quatre ans d’existence, l’ASE a constitué un haut lieu de formation et de mobilisation pour plusieurs jeunes qui ont eu l’occasion de confronter un bagage universitaire largement livresque à la réalité du terrain de l’action sociale. Abstract We know relatively little about the social action projects led by Québécois students, better known for their political activism and dramatic gestures. The Travailleurs étudiants du Québec(TEQ)’s story contradicts this representation. Working with low-income families, factory workers, unemployed people, and street youth from all over the province, these students acted as educators and social organizers. Their goal was to raise awareness among citizens, generating local initiatives and establishing structures that could lead to a true participative society. In this article, I demonstrate how the Action sociale étudiante (ASE) emerged from different traditions (social, political, students’) and projected itself into the future through a precarious balance between its idealism and pragmatism. During its four years of existence (1964-1967), the ASE was an important organization for the forming and mobilization of many young people who had the opportunity to confront their scholarly knowledge to the realities of social action.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Gabriel Luke Kiddle

<p><b>New Zealand is one of the only OECD countries to have attempted to impose spatialconstraints on residency as a policy tool in its welfaretoworkstrategy. The LimitedEmployment Locations (LEL) policy introduced in 2004 created 259 limited employmentlocation communities throughout the country in an attempt to influence the residentiallocation of Ministry of Social Development (MSD) clients so they are, “in the right placeat the right time to take advantage of growing employment opportunities” (MSD, 2004a,p1). The overarching goal of the LEL policy is to get more New Zealanders intoemployment (MSD, 2004b, p1) – in doing so reducing New Zealand’s overallunemployment rate and ensuring that, at a time of low unemployment and skill shortages,there are adequate numbers of job seekers available (MSD, 2004d, p2). Unemploymentbeneficiaries have a responsibility to seek work and, according to the new policy, if theymove into any of these mostly small, rural communities without access to reliabletransport, they risk losing their benefit following the end of a sanction process. The LELpolicy thus effectively limits the portability of the unemployment benefit (UB), creating anew geography of welfare eligibility.</b></p> <p>Through analysis of policy documents and interviews with MSD and Work and Incomestaff, this research outlines and critically evaluates the motivations and behaviouralassumptions behind the LEL policy. The research then uses the results of acommissioned panel survey, and results of field interviews exploring the views and actualbehaviour of UB recipients, to test the motivations and behavioural assumptions behindthe policy. The research uses as its case area the Opotiki District in New Zealand’s Bayof Plenty Region.</p> <p>The research traces the evolution of the zones themselves and describes a range ofreactions to the policy. One of the primary findings of the study is the importance of‘home’ in the motivation of beneficiaries moving to LELs, particularly Maoribeneficiaries who dominate movement to LEL areas in the district. This movement is shaped by the desire to maximise living standards and to take advantage of the social,family, and cultural networks that these areas offer. Returning to home LELcommunities occurs in spite of the new policy and the risks of benefit sanctions that itpresents, and there is also very little evidence to date that the LEL policy is encouragingbeneficiary movement to areas of better employment prospects.</p>


Author(s):  
Del Roy Fletcher

Wacquant has argued that a transnational political process, comprising harsh penal and social policies, is underway to exert social control over marginal populations created by economic liberalism and welfare state retrenchment. This chapter considers the relevance of Wacquant’s ideas to the UK by drawing upon new primary research which has explored offender experiences of both ‘prisonfare’ and ‘workfare’. It shows how the social atomisation associated with economic liberalism is intensified and institutionalised by prison with dire consequences for the ability of ex-prisoners to display the behaviour necessary to make and sustain a claim for out-of-work benefits. Moreover, the indications are that long-term imprisonment often leaves a legacy of alienation, dependency and conflict which leads to benefit sanctions and further criminal activity.


2002 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Parker ◽  
Rodney Fopp

Through an analysis of speeches by government ministers, documents and regulations, this article examines the Australian national government's surveillance of unemployed people through what is known as Activity Testing, and more specifically as Mutual Obligation. It seeks to merge the social policy analysis of Mutual Obligation with a surveillance perspective in order to delve deeper into the underlying nature of the policy and its implications for people who are unemployed. It does this by 1. outlining the neo-liberal political theory underlying these policies; 2. illustrating the nature and extent of surveillance of people in receipt of income support, and 3. employing Foucault's concepts of the technologies of domination and the self to highlight the controlling and coercive aspects of Mutual Obligation in achieving certain of the Government's political and policy objectives. In doing so, the analysis will make visible something of the power exerted over the disadvantaged while subject to such surveillance.


Author(s):  
Petr Fiľo ◽  
Božena Buchtová

The aim of this paper is to present results of the research focused on the examination of differences of selected psychological characteristics between a group of 144 employed people and a group of 121 unemployed people. The following personality characteristics were measured and compared: action versus state orientation (behaviour control (resp. behaviour regulation) after the experience of ­failure and in the processes of decision-making and behaviour planning), perseverance in the conception of Sense of coherence and social support. We found out that after having lost their job, people of higher education could better plan their decision-making and actions and they had a better abili­ty to cope with an actual situation (Sense of coherence). The research further showed that females were unemployed more often as compared with males and that the loss of job had a worse effect on their mental state. Compared with unemployed males, the females were more experience-and feeling-oriented and their Sense of coherence showed more prominent decline. Unemployed people had a lower level of action orientation after previous failure than employed people. This conspicuous decrease of orien­ta­tion to action is given apparently by the loss of the job itself and not by the duration of unemployment. The number of people composing the social support decreases with the increasing age of males. Of all the researched predictors, which were employment/unemployment, duration of unemployment, gender, education and age, gender acts (co-acts) most on the selected personality characteri­stics – action versus state orientation, Sense of coherence and social support.


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