Performance Policies and Workforce Development: Can the Market Model Be Successfully Implemented in the Public Arena?

2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (6) ◽  
pp. 1116-1157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara Patrick
1982 ◽  
Vol 37 (12) ◽  
pp. 1403-1404
Author(s):  
Richard Reardon
Keyword(s):  

2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-211
Author(s):  
James Crossley

Using the 400th anniversary of the King James Bible as a test case, this article illustrates some of the important ways in which the Bible is understood and consumed and how it has continued to survive in an age of neoliberalism and postmodernity. It is clear that instant recognition of the Bible-as-artefact, multiple repackaging and pithy biblical phrases, combined with a popular nationalism, provide distinctive strands of this understanding and survival. It is also clear that the KJV is seen as a key part of a proud English cultural heritage and tied in with traditions of democracy and tolerance, despite having next to nothing to do with either. Anything potentially problematic for Western liberal discourse (e.g. calling outsiders “dogs,” smashing babies heads against rocks, Hades-fire for the rich, killing heretics, using the Bible to convert and colonize, etc.) is effectively removed, or even encouraged to be removed, from such discussions of the KJV and the Bible in the public arena. In other words, this is a decaffeinated Bible that has been colonized by, and has adapted to, Western liberal capitalism.


Author(s):  
Richard Moyle

The Samoan Mau nationalistic movement of the 1920s, which led eventually to Independence in 1962, was characterized by group songs many of which were fervent in their support for traditional leadership and scathing in their condemnation of the then New Zealand administration. In the year 2000 copies of Mau songs recorded some fifty years earlier were among musical items repatriated to Samoa to public acclaim and national radio playback, but within a few weeks they were banned from further broadcast. The ban acknowledged singing as a socially powerful tool for local politics, since the broadcasts transformed songs as cultural artifacts to singing as social assertion, returning into the public arena a range of political views that many Samoans had preferred to keep private.


1996 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph M. Bradley

This paper argues that Celtic Football Club has played a central organising role in establishing a common identity for Catholics of Irish descent in Scotland. Concentrating on evidence taken from discourse in the public media, it draws attention to reactions to this identity by other population groups. Such responses, which are frequently ferocious in the degree of rejection they express, highlight the effects of Celtic's role. It provides a public arena within which Irishness can be expressed; at the same time, it draws fire from hostile elements in the social setting. Tensions within the Irish community about their common identity may in part be responses to these reactions.


Energies ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (21) ◽  
pp. 7113
Author(s):  
Wojciech Czakon ◽  
Karolina Mucha-Kuś ◽  
Maciej Sołtysik

Simultaneous collaboration and competition, or coopetition, has so far been studied among firms or non-profit organizations, leaving the public arena largely unexplored. This study focuses on identifying and measuring common benefit generation by local government actors in coopetition. We purposefully choose a metropolis composed of 41 municipalities setting to identify and measure those effects of coopetition that cannot be achieved by individual actors alone. We use real data and tariffs to run simulations that identify common and individual benefits generated in gas and electricity distribution. We find that savings can be achieved by mutualizing energy procurement, even though the distribution of savings is not equal among municipalities. We substantiate that energy communities can act as coopetitive platforms to optimize energy costs of municipalities.


EGALITA ◽  
2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elmi Farikha, Erfaniah Zuhriyah

Conventionally, earning money in a family is husband’s duty and doing chores such as taking care husband and children is wife’s. However, most women decide to participate in public arena actively  is a recent phenomenon. As a result, women’s conventional duty is shifting now. Some women politicians, for example, must manage their time for managing the public affairs and taking care the family. It may cause the family more vulnerable towards conflict and eventually may bring it to the divorce. Therefore, some efforts should be taken to maintain the family. It is also what some women politicians in Malang who sit in the parliament practice to keep their families is still harmonious. They have their own opinion and some tips about “established family” (keluarga sakinah) which are influenced by experiences, education, family support, age and the fail of maintaining the family. They are considered to be successfull politicians women in maintaining their public position as well as domestic position to maintain their family.   Kata kunci: keluarga, sakinah, perempuan, politik.


2001 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kirsten Kozolanka

Abstract: When faced with privatization by the Ontario government, the public educational broadcaster TVOntario took a pro-active stance in the face of the neo-liberal ideology of reduced public expenditure and institutional restructuring. TVO won short-term salvation by embracing market model methods, but in so doing it may have lost its niche as a public educational broadcaster. It now faces two major policy challenges. It must balance its general-audience broadcast arm with its newly refocused educational arm and it must negotiate possible political interference from the imperative to connect the government's newly revised school curricula to its new technology-in-education arm. This paper also situates the TVO example as a rejection of the privatization agenda of the Government of Ontario. Finally, this paper uses the TVO example to raise questions about hybrid models of broadcasting. Résumé: Pour éviter que le gouvernement de l'Ontario ne la privatise, la station éducative publique TVOntario a adopté une position qui prend les devants face à la volonté néolibérale de réduire les dépenses publiques et restructurer les institutions. À court terme, TVO s'est protégé en adoptant des méthodes axées sur le marché, mais celles-ci lui ont peut-être coûté son créneau particulier à titre de diffuseur éducatif public. En effet, TVO doit maintenant relever deux défis politiques imposants. La station doit équilibrer le besoin de s'adresser à un auditoire général avec celui remis au point d'offrir des émissions éducatives. En outre, elle doit parer à des interventions politiques possibles émanant de son obligation de relier le nouveau curriculum scolaire à sa nouvelle branche consacrée à la technologie dans l'éducation. Cet article discute de TVO comme manifestant un rejet des projets de privatisation du gouvernement ontarien. Finalement, l'article utilise l'exemple de TVO pour soulever des questions sur des modèles de radiodiffusion hybrides.


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