The Military Security Policy of Taiwan: Current Situation and Challenges for the Future

Pacific Focus ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 8-43
Author(s):  
Robert Czulda
2021 ◽  
pp. 120-126
Author(s):  
Mykhailo Tsiurupa

The time limits of the life of one generation are about 25-30 years, so lived in the struggle for building its own state and its armed defence, this time for Ukraine goes down in the history of the first generation of creation and attempts to comply with four military doctrines (1993-2004-2012-2015), in which our own defence course was proclaimed. The theoretical basis of these official documents of significance were certain paradigms of military-political thinking, according to which Ukraine did not consider it a continuation of politics. The direction and principles of military policy (defence or security policy in European terminology) for modern Ukraine from the mid-20s of the XIX century, as well as 100 years ago, again came to the fore in connection with the implementation of previously abstract concepts " annexation "," occupation "," war ", which allegedly did not exist for our country in recent history. But today they have been embodied or, in the image of Franz Kafka, "reincarnated" into threatening forms of Russia's military practice against our state, the end of which is not yet visible in the near future. The military-theoretical and political response was the "Military Strategy of Ukraine" in 2021, which "opened" a new generation of paradigms of militarypolitical thinking. The main thesis is the belief that the protection of sovereignty and strengthening of military security is the military-theoretical and political response was the "Military Strategy of Ukraine" in 2021, which "opened" a new generation of paradigms of military-political thinking. The main thesis is the belief that the protection of sovereignty and strengthening of military security is the creation of a "comprehensive defence system" with the integration of all forces of the state and civil society, law enforcement agencies and volunteers, administrative regions and territorial communities. The military-theoretical and political response was the "Military Strategy of Ukraine" in 2021, which "opened" a new generation of paradigms of military-political thinking. We will prove that this is a philosophy of military security instead of the previously expressed doctrinal military-political ideas of entrusting a matter of national importance to the forces of the defence sector. The new generation of public life Ukraine will begin with a new paradigm of militarypolitical thinking, the central idea of which is the transition from hopes for the political levers of defence for international cooperation to the creation of a system of comprehensive national security with the synergistic potential of Ukrainianity.


Author(s):  
Johannes Stripple

The environment is now well established as part of an imagery of a world that is becoming more violent, more conflict ridden and less secure for many people. Imaginations of a climate changed world feed into a horizon of the future that is increasingly understood as indeterminate and uncertain, thereby requiring new modes of preparedness and precaution. While writings on security and the environment existed before the 1990s, it was the end of the Cold War that unlocked and energized the nexus. Environmental security remains an ambiguous concept with many fault-lines among and within academia, think-tanks, environmental organizations and the military establishment. Much scholarship has been preoccupied with the question of how to best define environmental security, but security needs to be recognized as a mode of governing that does things, and that needs to be approached in terms of its effects. Hence, the question: what kind of new political practices become legitimized when climate change is increasingly governed as an emergency?


2021 ◽  
Vol 50 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Sobolewski ◽  

National and international security remains a fascinating area of scientific research. Studies of phenomena and processes in military security suggest that we are witnessing great and intense changes. In their analyses of the modern security environment, both NATO and the EU wish to accommodate the existing conditions. Poland also has been affected by that process. The security policy should be based on the main assumption that Poland is a sovereign security entity, able to define its national interests and strategic objectives autonomously. However, the foundations of our security are assured by membership in the EU and NATO, good relations in the region, a strategic alliance with the USA, and an internal defense mechanism. The needs of the state and the society for national security arise from a dynamic rate of changes in challenges and hazards. The Author intends to combine theory with practice that is implemented in favor of the military security of Poland. First of all, the essence of military security is presented from theoretical and utilitarian viewpoints. The subsequent parts of the paper present research results related to the identification of contemporary challenges and hazards to the military security of Poland. This approach provided an opportunity to outline assumptions of policy and strategy underlying military security in current international security conditions.


2020 ◽  
pp. 45-54
Author(s):  
M. A. Amurov

The purpose of this article is to substantiate the determinants of contemporary changes in military security policy, which is reflexive management. Military security is considered as a function of political attitudes and strategic decisions, and its governmental potential is a changing mechanism designed to meet regional and global demands and tendencies of society development. The author substantiates the assumption that today, the system of ensuring military security requires radical governmental transformation, and the key mechanism of this transformation is reflexive governance. The theoretical research method is a conceptual transformation of the governmental aspect of the military security policy through the prism of the theory of reflexive governance. The concept of reflexive governance has not yet been properly developed in Russian academic investigations, but its relevance is determined by a substantial change in the existing prospects for the analysis, development, and implementation of the military security policy in times of peace: (1) shifting the attention of civil cervants to the mechanisms of transformation of military security institutions to global challenges; (2) activation of discussions about “open” and “closed” spaces in politics; (3) development of the potential of governance based on continuous education and network management; and (4) development of a network governance system. Within the framework of reflexive governance, cognitive and normative beliefs form the political-administrative hierarchy and economic incentives as mechanisms for coordinating military security. At the same time, the mechanism of ensuring military security consists of such components as (1) subjects and (2) objects of military security; (1) normative and regulatory, (2) theoretical and research, and (3) activity components of military security. Reflexive governance, while becoming the basis of the military security in a modern state, implies that in the arms race countries should not forget about deeper, fundamental goals of state management. Any action both within the framework of direct provision of military security and within the framework of diplomatic regulation of relations in the international arena should be devoted to collective and individual-administrative reflexing of decision makers. A key role in military security policy should be played not by the theory of warfare, but by the development of tools to help resolve emerging conflicts peacefully.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 305-308
Author(s):  
Fabiana Martinescu-Bădălan

AbstractThis work is designed to challenge the maintenance of the highest standards of physical training required to perform armed tasks. It is desired to accumulate a development experience that will culminate with the set upof very well-trained leaders. The training of the military is based on physical training. It ensures the possibility and availability of the military to cope with combat missions, obligations in the military environment, ensures the maintenance and development of resistance to intense physical and mental effort, and develops self-confidence and teamwork. The physical training considers the fulfillment of some general objectives and of some specific objectives, absolutely necessary in the conditions of carrying out the combat actions.


2013 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 140-175
Author(s):  
Jos Monballyu

Over de motieven waarom Belgische militairen tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog naar de Duitse vijand deserteerden is al veel geschreven. Volgens de Franstalige patriottische pers en literatuur van kort na de Eerste Wereldoorlog was die desertie uitsluitend te wijten aan de defaitistische ingesteldheid van de Vlaamse Frontbeweging en de talrijke aansporingen waarmee hun vier afgezanten naar de Duitsers (Jules Charpentier, Karel De Schaepdrijver, Vital Haesaert en Carlos Van Sante) de Vlaamse soldaten aan het IJzerfront bestookten. De Vlaamse historici probeerden die beschuldiging op allerlei manieren te weerleggen of schoven de verantwoordelijkheid voor die desertie in de schoenen van Antoon Pira en zijn Algemeen Vlaamsch Democratische Verbond. Geen enkele historicus ging daarbij na wat de deserteurs zelf over hun desertie naar de vijand te vertellen hadden. Dit deden zij nochtans uitvoerig tijdens de verschillende gerechtelijke ondervragingen waaraan zij na de oorlog werden onderworpen wanneer zij konden worden aangehouden. Het feit dat zij daarbij al strafbaar waren van zodra zij wetens en willens deserteerden ongeacht hun eigenlijke motief, liet hen daarbij toe om dit motief vrij complexloos mee te delen. Geen enkele van de overlopers van wie het strafdossier bewaard is, gaf echter toe dat hij omwille van de Vlaamse kwestie was overgelopen. Oorlogsmoeheid en de behoefte om zijn familieleden terug te zien waren, zoals in alle legers, de voornaamste motieven waarom zij naar de vijand deserteerden. Ook de Belgische Militaire Veiligheid en de krijgsauditeurs slaagden er trouwens niet in om een verband te leggen tussen de Vlaamse Frontbeweging en de Belgische deserties naar de vijand.________Desertion to the enemy in the Belgian front army during the First World War (part 2)Much has already been written about the reasons why Belgian soldiers deserted to the German enemy during the First World War. According to the French language patriotic press and literature dating from shortly after the First World War that desertion was exclusively due to the defeatist attitude of the Flemish Front Movement and the many exhortations with which their four representatives to the Germans (Jules Charpentier, Karel De Schaepdrijver, Vital Haesaert and Carlos Van Sante) bombarded the Flemish soldiers at the Yser Front. Flemish historians attempted in a variety of ways to refute that accusation or they shifted the responsibility for the desertion on to Antoon Pira and his Algemeen Vlaamsch Democratische Verbond (General Flemish Democratic Union). Not a single historian investigated what the deserters themselves had to say about their desertion to the enemy. However, the deserters gave extensive explanations during the detailed investigation that took place during the various judicial interrogations, to which they were submitted after the war if it was possible to arrest them. The fact that they were considered to have committed a criminal offence for having knowingly deserted whatever their actual motive, allowed them to communicate this motive without too many complexes. However, none of the defectors whose criminal records have been preserved admitted that he had defected for the sake of the Flemish Question.  As is the case in all armies, the main reasons for desertion to the enemy were war-weariness and the longing to see members of their family. The Belgian Military Security and the military auditors were not able either to establish a causal link between the Flemish Front Movement and the Belgian desertions to the enemy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 176-188
Author(s):  
Godfrey Maringira

This article argues that, through the coup, the military has become more visible in national politics in post-Mugabe Zimbabwe. The current situation under President Mnangagwa marks a qualitative difference with the military under Mugabe’s rule. Currently, in now being more prominent, the military is politics and is the determinant of any political transition that may be forthcoming in Zimbabwe. However, if it deems it necessary, the military accommodates civilian politicians into politics in order to ‘sanitize’ the political landscape in its own interests. Simultaneously, despite their involvement in the coup, ordinary soldiers feel increasingly marginalized under Mnangagwa’s government.


2012 ◽  
Vol 550-553 ◽  
pp. 2416-2419 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wen Jun Xiang

At present, it is so prominent in the development of the petrochemical industry in China,and it is accompanied by petrochemical wastewater, which has become a big problem need to solve urgently.Because petrochemical wastewater mainly contains benzene-compound, organic matter, high salt wastewater and oil sewage, etc. They are very damaging and highly contaminated. The composition and properties of the petrochemical wastewater were introduced firstly, the current situation of petrochemical wastewater treatment at home and abroad were reviewed in the study. Especially the development of petrochemical industry in sichuan was introduced. Based on the present situation and the existing problems, put forward some countermeasures and expect technique develop direction in the future.


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