“Pariah States” and Sanctions: The Case of Syria

2013 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 27-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Thomas
Keyword(s):  
2001 ◽  
Vol 80 (5) ◽  
pp. 172
Author(s):  
L. Carl Brown ◽  
Tim Niblock
Keyword(s):  

1981 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 213-240 ◽  
Author(s):  
George H. Quester

Nine predictions are advanced on the impact on the international system of a successful effort to contain nuclear proliferation.The world will see a modest dilution of the prerogatives of sovereignty, very much tailored to the halting of nuclear weapons spread. Some breakthroughs will be achieved in the multinational management of nuclear industry. Current “pariah states” may escape such status, simply through the latent possibility of nuclear proliferation. Nuclear weapons will continue to go unused in combat, just as they have since 1945. Soviet-American cooperation on the nuclear proliferation front will continue. The traffic in conventional arms may by contrast go relatively unchecked, as most countries conclude that this kind of weapons spread is less bad than nuclear proliferation. All of this will be carried through by statements distorted by the normal deceptions of diplomacy. The world will nonetheless generally become more sophisticated in discounting any glamor or political clout in nuclear weapons programs. Most of the barrier to proliferation will come through normal political and economic exchange, rather than through any violent or military interventions.


Author(s):  
Colin Shindler

Zionism set out not only to establish a state of the Jews, but also to create a Jewish society, one profoundly different from the ones the immigrants had been born into. The genocide of the Nazis, the abandonment of internationalism by the Soviet Union, and the hostility of Arab nationalism moved Zionism toward a position more concerned with national survival. Israel was forced to abandon a nonaligned status after 1950 and, when diplomatically isolated after the 1973 Yom Kippur War, to cultivate relations with regimes that were considered pariah states, such as South Africa, Chile, and Argentina. The ascendancy of the Israeli Right after 1977 accentuated this approach. The demise of the USSR, the end of the Cold War, and the signing of the Oslo Accords in the 1990s all contributed to the establishment of diplomatic relations with major states such as India and China and Arab neighbors such as Jordan, as well as to unofficial contacts with others such as Cuba. In the twenty-first century many states relegated ideology to a secondary position, assisting Israel’s policy of survivalism.


1981 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-163 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert E. Harkavy

In recent years, a new international actor—the pariah state—has mounted the global stage. Although rough historical precedents may be discerned, the present international system appears to have produced a novel phenomenon, whereby some isolated small states, lacking assured and credible outside security support, find themselves unable to take advantage of traditional balance-of-power mechanisms. Taiwan, South Africa, and Israel fit this description best, South Korea less so; Pakistan and Chile are also candidates.Insecurities about conventional arms sources and big-power support in crises involving national survival have driven pariahs to consideration of nuclear “equalizers,” notwithstanding dilemmas involving the viability of applicable nuclear strategic doctrines. There are also some indications of nascent interpariah security ties, perhaps nuclear ones. Although there are some prospects for amelioration of the situations of some pariahs—in part because of threats to go nuclear—serious impasses remain for U.S. and other major powers' policies.


SAIS Review ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bradley Babson
Keyword(s):  

2002 ◽  
Vol 96 (1) ◽  
pp. 263-264
Author(s):  
Robert O. Freedman

Scholars of Middle Eastern studies in the last decade often were preoccupied with two major problems. First, the democratization that has spread over most of the globe seems to have missed the Middle East. Second, there appears to be a growing gap between international relations and comparative politics theory, on the one hand, and Middle East studies, on the other. In seeking to explain why, some point to the highly politicized scholarship that can still be found in Middle East studies. Others argue that the theorists simply have not tried hard enough to fit the special nature of the Middle East into their theoretical models, or that Middle Eastern scholars have not tried hard enough to deal with theory. Two of the three books under review, by Hansen and Heydemann, do a great deal to narrow the gap between theory and reality in the Middle East. The book by Niblock is an example of the kind of highly politicized scholarship that is still found too often in Middle Eastern studies.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (5) ◽  
pp. 98-101
Author(s):  
Tunde Basit Adeleke ◽  
A. C. Igboanugo ◽  
N. B. Chime

Bottlenecks in the refineries lead to the disruption of refinery operations which result in production loss and time wastage. Nigerian refineries are four and they have not been able to work optimally as they have failed to produce up to their installed capacity. A lot of factors are contributing to this and are known as bottlenecks. This study was taken so as to identify those bottlenecks in the refineries with a view of making them known so that actions can be taken to tackle them and get Nigerian Refineries move from their pariah states to a welcome state. Kendall’s Coefficient of Concordance (K.C.C) and Principal Component Analysis (P.C.A) which are tools in factor analysis were employed.   The K.C.C helped in ranking the identified variables according to their order of importance while the PCA helped to achieve parsimony through factor reduction. The results obtained revealed that the experts ranking of the thirty two scale items were in agreement at an alpha level of 0.01 and the computed coefficient of concordance was 0.51which is substantial. The thirty two scale items were able to be reduced into mere five clusters by PCA. A lone variable cluster which was labeled creatively ‘Government interference’ came up trump and account for most of the challenges being experienced in the Refineries. Other clusters labeled creatively were Eclectic issues, organizational management, Supply Chain Architecture and Personnel Management. The import of this is that government interference needs to be removed if refineries are to work optimally and the remaining four clusters should also be looked at in order to tackle these bottlenecks.   


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