Tunisia's “Revolutionary” Lawyers: From Professional Autonomy to Political Mobilization

2016 ◽  
Vol 41 (02) ◽  
pp. 311-345 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Gobe ◽  
Lena Salaymeh

On January 14, 2011, after twenty‐three years in power and one month of popular protest demanding his resignation, President Ben Ali fled Tunisia. Lawyers, wearing their official robes, had marched frequently in the uprising's demonstrations. By engaging with and supporting the uprising, lawyers—both the profession in general and the bar's leadership—gained considerable symbolic influence over the post‐uprising government that replaced Ben Ali's regime. This article outlines the various forms of political lawyering undertaken by Tunisian lawyers and their professional associations from Tunisia's independence to post‐uprising transitions. We demonstrate that economic concerns, professional objectives, and civic professionalism contributed to the collective action of Tunisian lawyers before and after the uprising. Tunisian lawyers moved beyond the realm of their profession to adopt a role as overseers of the post‐uprising government.

2021 ◽  
pp. 095679762097056
Author(s):  
Morgana Lizzio-Wilson ◽  
Emma F. Thomas ◽  
Winnifred R. Louis ◽  
Brittany Wilcockson ◽  
Catherine E. Amiot ◽  
...  

Extensive research has identified factors influencing collective-action participation. However, less is known about how collective-action outcomes (i.e., success and failure) shape engagement in social movements over time. Using data collected before and after the 2017 marriage-equality debate in Australia, we conducted a latent profile analysis that indicated that success unified supporters of change ( n = 420), whereas failure created subgroups among opponents ( n = 419), reflecting four divergent responses: disengagement (resigned acceptors), moderate disengagement and continued investment (moderates), and renewed commitment to the cause using similar strategies (stay-the-course opponents) or new strategies (innovators). Resigned acceptors were least inclined to act following failure, whereas innovators were generally more likely to engage in conventional action and justify using radical action relative to the other profiles. These divergent reactions were predicted by differing baseline levels of social identification, group efficacy, and anger. Collective-action outcomes dynamically shape participation in social movements; this is an important direction for future research.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandra Xiaoyi Kjorven

Traditional tabletop board games have soared in popularity in recent years, and used often as tools for education and entertainment. Board games are an especially engaging format for studying themes of collective-action problem solving. This study looks at one of the most complex collective-action problems of this generation, climate change, and evaluates how individual attitudes and preferences may be altered by playing a board game specifically designed to influence how people relate to an issue. The board game Wheels was introduced and taught to 18 participants, who engaged in five separate playtesting sessions where observation, survey and interview data were collected. The study evaluates participants' attitudes and preferences toward certain transportation and climate change topics before and after playing the game. The game showed promise in changing players' preferences toward certain modes of transportation - increasing preferences toward electric vehicles and cycling, and decreasing preference towards gas powered cars. These findings indicate that the effective combination of select climate change game mechanics in a highly personalized theme may produce an engaging and entertaining experience that has the potential to transcend the game board and impact players' outlook upon real life choices.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
YUSUNG SU ◽  
Siyu Sun ◽  
Jiangrui Liu

How do Chinese information inspectors censor the internet? In light of the assumption that inspectors must follow specific rules instead of ambiguous guidelines, such as precluding collective action, to decide what and when to delete, this study attempts to offer a dynamic understanding of censorship by exploiting well-structured Weibo data from before and after the 2018 Taiwanese election. This study finds that inspectors take advantage of time in handling online discussions with the potential for collective action. Through this deferral tactic, inspectors make online sentiments moderately flow regarding an important political event, and thereafter, past discussions on trendy topics will be mostly removed. Therefore, reality is selectively altered; the past is modified, and the future will be remembered in a ``preferable" way.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ken Ochieng' Opalo ◽  
Leonardo R. Arriola ◽  
Donghyun Danny Choi ◽  
Matthew Gichohi

In order to comply with electoral rules incentivizing cross-ethnic mobilization, candidates in divided societies often campaign in opponents’ strongholds among non-coethnics. In this paper, we show that such cross-ethnic campaign rallies may actually depress outgroup candidates’ support among non-coethnics. We argue that candidates’ holding of campaign rallies in non-coethnic constituencies can inadvertently trigger perceptions of intergroup competition, increase the salience of ethnicity, and depress support for non-coethnic candidates. We leverage a natural experiment that exploits the timing of an unscheduled campaign rally held by a presidential candidate in a non-coethnic county in his opponent’s stronghold during Kenya’s 2017 election. In comparing survey respondents before and after the rally, we find that the candidate’s post-rally favorability significantly decreased among non-coethnic voters, while the proportion of voters identifying in ethnic terms simultaneously increased. These findings have important implications for the efficacy of institutional design to promote cross-ethnic political mobilization in polarized societies.


2012 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Colette Lourens ◽  
Leon J. Van Vuuren ◽  
Riëtte Eiselen

Orientation: Professionals, employed in organisations, operate within professional and organisational contexts serving different stakeholders. Subsequently, professionals may experience tension or conflict between their role as professional and employee.Research purpose: To establish the measurement of the perceptions and experiences of industrial psychology (IP) professionals, employed in South African organisations, with regard to Organisation-Professional Conflict (OPC) as well as the antecedents associated with this phenomenon.Motivation for the study: Although the extent to which professionals experience OPC is well documented for medical and accountancy professionals, the extent to which IP professionals experience this phenomenon remains unclear.Research design, approach and method: A structured questionnaire was developed and applied as a cross-sectional survey to all registered South African IP professionals employed in organisations. Responses based on the N = 143 self-selecting respondents were captured and utilised for statistical analysis.Main findings: OPC in the IP profession can be considered as the incongruence between professional organisational roles and duties, and their responsibility to adhere to professional obligations. Professional autonomy and strategic alignment were found to mitigate the occurrence of OPC, whereas power tension and compromise of professionalism seem to exacerbate the occurrence thereof.Practical/managerial implications: The research might create an awareness of the existence of OPC amongst the respective stakeholders. Knowledge of OPC may have implications for professionals who render their professional services to organisations.Contribution/value-add: The findings may inform formal professional associations, industrial psychologists employed by organisations, their employing organisations, and the governing board, about the nature and extent of OPC.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Castiglione ◽  
Cameron Brick ◽  
Stefanie Holden ◽  
Debra Lindsay ◽  
Adam Robert Aron

We are in a climate emergency, but governments are reacting too slowly. Grassroots collective action is needed to create political pressure. Those attempts would be much aided by understanding the psychological factors that dispose people to engaging in collective climate action. However, the extant research has several limitations. These include scant causal evidence of which factors trigger action, a lack of focus on the climate crisis itself, a way of measuring action that mostly uses self-report or intentions rather than objectively measured participation, and, finally, the use of mostly cross-sectional studies (rather than longitudinal). Here we undertake a longitudinal study on the effectiveness of an intensive 12-week video intervention designed to increase collective action on the climate crisis using a pre-post within-subjects design. Before and after the intervention, we will measure the psychological predictors identified in previous work, such as collective efficacy. Using a regression model, we strengthen the links between changes in these predictors and changes in both objective and self-reported activist behavior. [Key results and interpretation will go here].


Author(s):  
Sarah Young ◽  
David Berlan

Does the sector that an individual works in influence their motivation to participate in voluntary associations? Private and public engagement motivation theories hold that individuals participate in these collective action associations to either benefit themselves or benefit the common good, respectively. While previous research has evaluated motivations to join, the influence of engagement motivation theory by sector has yet to be evaluated. This study uses the 2011 American Society of Association Executives’ (ASAE) ‘Decision to Join II’ study to examine whether an individual’s sector influences their motivation to engage in formal, voluntary collective action networks. We found that non-profit and government sector employees value benefits that impact the public good more than benefits that directly impact themselves. These findings suggest that there may be a difference in the type of benefits that individuals who work in for-profit, non-profit and government sectors value when deciding whether or not to engage in voluntary associations.


2019 ◽  
Vol 95 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Katrina Navickas

The Peterloo Massacre was more than just a Manchester event. The attendees, on whom Manchester industry depended, came from a large spread of the wider textile regions. The large demonstrations that followed in the autumn of 1819, protesting against the actions of the authorities, were pan-regional and national. The reaction to Peterloo established the massacre as firmly part of the radical canon of martyrdom in the story of popular protest for democracy. This article argues for the significance of Peterloo in fostering a sense of regional and northern identities in England. Demonstrators expressed an alternative patriotism to the anti-radical loyalism as defined by the authorities and other opponents of mass collective action.


2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Yannis Kallianos

The article explores the recent social and political transformations in Greece through events of collective action in the public space of Athens. Drawing on Richard Sennet’s notion of the ‘myth of the purified community’ it is argued that these events demonstrate a gradual disintegration of the social imaginary of the idea of community in various scales (national, local, etc). This argument builds on the indistinction between public and private as reflected in these events in Athens. By providing ethnographic examples from both before and after the economic collapse, the article explains crisis as a long process of contesting the sovereignty of the state and institutions in Greece and how these previously downplayed contestations were rendered visible in the Greek public sphere. This visibility shakes the foundations of the notion of a homogeneous community as it is established by the ‘social contract’.


Author(s):  
Jessica L. Beyer

Online communities have long been the sites of political mobilization. Work on these communities in relation to politics sits at the intersection of the study of social movements broadly as well as hacktivism specifically; anthropological and cultural studies of online culture, including trolling; and work focused on the affordances of social platforms. Drawing on four linked cases of online community mobilization—4chan and trolling culture, Anonymous, Gamergate, and the 2016 US presidential election—the author discusses this varied theory and its ability to contribute to the understanding of online communities as a political and social phenomenon. The author illustrates that there are distinct repertoires of contention that emerged from 4chan prior to 2008 that subsequent movements refined and adapted. The author argues that 4chan’s affordances created a cultural identity that was durable, with shared discourse, affirmation of group values, and a history of collective action that served as a base for mobilization. These modes of collective action, including organized harassment, have since been adopted by a range of political actors. Future research should address questions of movement durability, emergence, and the interplay between internet affordances and offline contexts.


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