Ritual Demonstrations versus Reactive Protests: Participation Across Mobilizing Contexts in Mexico City

2017 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 47-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
María Inclán ◽  
Paul D. Almeida

AbstractUsing an innovative survey of protest participants and nonparticipants from five major street demonstrations in Mexico City in 2011 and 2012, this study tests the assumption that influences on protest participation vary across different types of events; namely, ritual demonstrations and reactive protests. The comparison is based on two assumptions: that these are two of the dominant forms of protest in contemporary Latin America, and that specifying the context for different types of social movement participation provides a better understanding of the individual mobilization process for groups seeking to defend their rights or gain new benefits. The comparative analyses reveal some crucial differences. Political interest and previous political experience are more influential in the decision to take part in reactive demonstrations. For ritual demonstrations, the decision to participate tends to be driven more by personal and organizational connections.

Author(s):  
Donatella della Porta ◽  
Massimiliano Andretta ◽  
Tiago Fernandes ◽  
Eduardo Romanos ◽  
Markos Vogiatzoglou

The second chapter covers the main characteristics of transition time in the four countries: Italy, Greece, Spain, and Portugal. After developing the theoretical model on paths of transition, with a focus on social movement participation, the chapter looks at social movements and protest events as turning points during transition, covering in particular the specific movement actors, their organizational models, and their repertoires of action and frames. The chapter focuses on two dimensions: the role of mobilization in the transition period, which implies the analysis of how elites and masses interact, ally, or fight with each other in the process, and the outcome of transitions as continuity versus rupture of the democratic regime vis-à-vis the old one. It concludes by elaborating some hypotheses on how different modes of transition may produce different types and uses of (transition) memories.


Author(s):  
Cas Mudde ◽  
Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser

There are three different types of populist mobilization: personalist leadership, social movement, and political party, although some populist actors have aspects of two or three. Personalist leadership is more prevalent in certain regions, such as Latin America. Social movements are more common in America, and political parties are the paradigmatic type of populist mobilization in much of Europe. “Populism and mobilization” concludes by considering why some types of populist mobilization are more prevalent in certain places than in others and asking: do these different types of populist mobilization have an impact on the electoral success of populism?


Author(s):  
Rebecca Tarlau

The Conclusion reflects on the significance of the MST’s educational initiatives for understanding states, social movements, and education. The chapter revisits the theoretical claims in the Introduction and clarifies how activists’ long march through the institutions sustains their movements. It outlines the exact mechanisms that facilitated the MST’s ability to lead this massive process of institutional change. It also makes a case for why public education is a strategic sphere for social movement participation. Finally, the chapter describes the implications of this study for understanding the consequences of social movements’ contentious co-governance of state institutions in Latin America and globally.


2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Silvia London ◽  
Karina Temporelli ◽  
Pablo D. Monterubbianesi

Author(s):  
Abigail J. Stewart ◽  
Kay Deaux

This chapter provides a framework designed to address how individual persons respond to changes and continuities in social systems and historical circumstances at different life stages and in different generations. We include a focus on systematic differences among the people who experience these changes in the social environment—differences both in the particular situations they find themselves in and in their personalities. Using examples from research on divorce, immigration, social movement participation, and experiences of catastrophic events, we make a case for an integrated personality and social psychology that extends the analysis across time and works within socially and historically important contexts.


Molecules ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (13) ◽  
pp. 3874
Author(s):  
Dominika Veselinyová ◽  
Jana Mašlanková ◽  
Katarina Kalinová ◽  
Helena Mičková ◽  
Mária Mareková ◽  
...  

We are experiencing rapid progress in all types of imaging techniques used in the detection of various numbers and types of mutation. In situ hybridization (ISH) is the primary technique for the discovery of mutation agents, which are presented in a variety of cells. The ability of DNA to complementary bind is one of the main principles in every method used in ISH. From the first use of in situ techniques, scientists paid attention to the improvement of the probe design and detection, to enhance the fluorescent signal intensity and inhibition of cross-hybrid presence. This article discusses the individual types and modifications, and is focused on explaining the principles and limitations of ISH division on different types of probes. The article describes a design of probes for individual types of in situ hybridization (ISH), as well as the gradual combination of several laboratory procedures to achieve the highest possible sensitivity and to prevent undesirable events accompanying hybridization. The article also informs about applications of the methodology, in practice and in research, to detect cell to cell communication and principles of gene silencing, process of oncogenesis, and many other unknown processes taking place in organisms at the DNA/RNA level.


1975 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 415-445 ◽  
Author(s):  
John R. Redick

The Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America (Treaty of Tlatelolco) was signed in 1967 and is now in force for eighteen Latin American nations (the important exceptions being Argentina and Brazil). Under the terms of the treaty the Organization for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America (OPANAL) was established in 1969. With headquarters in Mexico City, OPANAL is a sophisticated control mechanism composed of three principal organs: a General Conference, Council and Secretariat. This article examines the effort to establish regional nuclear weapons free zone in Latin America and analyzes the ability of the Tlatelolco Treaty to provide the legal and political framework for containment of the growing military potential of Latin American nuclear energy programs. Particular attention is given to the positions of key Latin American nations within the region, nuclear weapons states, and those nations retaining territorial interest within the nuclear weapons free zone. In addition several policy options are advanced which could facilitate the more complete implementation of regional nuclear arms control in Latin America.


1923 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 204-215
Author(s):  
Raymond G. Gettell

In the introduction to his readings in political philosophy, Professor Coker says, “since the time of Plato there has been, in every philosophic age, some inquiry as to the justification of political organization in general, as to the relative merits of different political forms, and as to the appropriate position and privileges of the individual as master, member, or subject of the political order of society. Why do we have political organization? What in our present condition do we owe to it? What future benefits may we properly expect to derive from it? Are its purposes characteristically manifold and changing, or are they ultimately reducible to a few limited objects or to some single end? What is its best form? Who should control it? What is its proper relation to the ideas and sentiments of the community at its basis? What spheres of individual and social life is it incompetent to enter? Philosophers and publicists of various types have sought to answer these questions in abstract terms.”If an analysis be made of the questions with which political thought has been concerned, it is found that emphasis was placed at various periods upon widely different types of problems. In the medieval period political controversy centered in the contest for supremacy between spiritual and temporal authorities; in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the dominant interest was in the contest between monarchic and democratic theories of political organization; at present, the extent of state activities has come into prominence, and the connection between political and economic interests is especially close. Besides, political conditions have changed so greatly from age to age that the same problem had quite different meanings at different periods.


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