Mothers', Fathers' and Siblings' Housework Time Within Family Households

2021 ◽  
Vol 83 (3) ◽  
pp. 803-819
Author(s):  
Florian Schulz
Keyword(s):  
2005 ◽  
Vol 39 (5) ◽  
pp. 802-808 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luciana Fernandes Portela ◽  
Lúcia Rotenberg ◽  
William Waissmann

OBJECTIVE: To assess whether reported morbidity and complaints of lack of time and sleep are associated with the burden of professional work and housework among nurses. METHODS: A cross-sectional exploratory study was carried out among female nurses and nurse assistants (N=206) of a public hospital in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Data were collected by means of a questionnaire. The prevalence ratio and 95% confidence intervals were estimated. RESULTS: Mean duration of professional work and housework time was 40.4 and 31.6 hours/week, respectively. Long professional working time (over 44 hours/week) were associated with mild emotional disorders (PR=1.37; 95% CI: 1.05-1.80), complaints of lack of time for resting/leisure (PR=1.61; 95% CI: 1.31-1.97), housework (PR=1.48; 95% CI: 1.12-1.97), and childcare (PR=1.99; 95% CI: 1.51-2.63). Long housework time (over 28 hours/week) was associated with lower prevalence of lack of time for childcare (PR=0.62; 95% CI: 0.46-0.84). High housework load was associated with lack of personal time and complaints of varicose veins (PR=1.31; 95% CI: 1.14-1.50 and PR=1.31; 95% CI: 1.08-1.58, respectively). Complaints of varicose veins were also frequent among female nurses with a total work load above 84 hours (PR=1.30; 95% CI: 1.05-1.61), though this group has shown a lower prevalence of arterial hypertension and recurrent headaches (PR=0.35; 95% CI: 0.15-0.83 and PR=0.53; 95% CI: 0.32-0.89, respectively). CONCLUSIONS: Results suggest that both professional and home environments are relevant in the evaluation of work overload on nurses' health and their family and social life. It is stressed the need for instruments for analyzing total workload among female populations.


1997 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-223 ◽  
Author(s):  
ORIEL SULLIVAN

There are only a limited number of studies comparing housework among couples and individuals in different marital statuses, and the focus of attention has tended to be on married compared to cohabiting couples. This article focuses on differences between couples where one or more partner is remarried or recohabiting and those where both partners are in their first married or cohabiting relationships, using nationally representative survey data from Britain. It is shown in multivariate analysis that women in their second-plus partnerships contribute less in terms of their proportion of total housework time than women in their first partnerships. However, there is no effect for the man's number of previous partnerships or for current marital/cohabiting status. It is argued that the significant issue is interaction and negotiation with a subsequent partner in the light of experience gained from the breakdown of one or more previous married/cohabiting relationships.


2012 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 394-427 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vanessa R. Wight ◽  
Suzanne M. Bianchi ◽  
Bijou R. Hunt

Using a national sample of 12,424 partnered women and 10,721 partnered men from the 2003-2006 American Time Use Survey, this article examines racial/ethnic variation in women’s and men’s housework time and its covariates. The ratio of women’s to men’s housework hours is greatest for Hispanics and Asians and smallest for Whites and Blacks. White and Hispanic women’s housework hours are associated with household composition and employment suggesting that the time availability perspective is a good predictor for these women, but may have less explanatory power for other race/ethnic groups of women. Relative resources also have explanatory power for White women’s housework time but are weak predictors for women of Other race/ethnicities. Time availability and relative resource measures show some association with White men’s housework time but are generally poor predictors among other race/ethnic groups of men, suggesting that traditional models of housework allocation do not “fit” all groups equally.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
By Cristina Borra ◽  
Martin Browning ◽  
Almudena Sevilla

Abstract This article provides insights into the gains of forming a couple by estimating how much of the difference in housework between single and married individuals is causal and how much is due to selection. Time-varying observed variables and time-invariant heterogeneity explains about half of the observed differences in housework documented in the cross-sectional data. There remains a genuine one-and-a-half-hour increase per week in housework time for each partner, with women specializing in routine and men in non-routine housework tasks.


1982 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-216 ◽  
Author(s):  
SHARON Y. NICKOLS ◽  
EDWARD J. METZEN

The allocation of time is recognized as a major economic consideration for families. Analysis of longitudinal data on time use offers a fruitful method for examining change and/or stability in roles of husbands and wives. In this panel study of 1156 intact families, time allocation to housework and employment by husbands and wives follows a traditional pattern, with wives spending most time in housework and husbands spending most time in employment. Cross-lag analysis is used to examine the relationship between wife's labor force time allocation and husband's housework time. Basic patterns of time allocation predominate over the 6 years, with wife's employment time having very little impact on husband's housework time. Implications for families and for social policy are discussed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 177-189
Author(s):  
Marta Hozer-Koćmiel ◽  
Wojciech Kuźmiński

AbstractResearch background: The paper introduces an econometric analysis of unpaid household work in Poland.Purpose: The purpose is a quantitative analysis of the relations between the time spent on unpaid housework and some selected demographic, economic and social variables.Research methodology: In the survey, the respondents were grouped by gender and type of locality. It was hypothesized that there are strong differences in the determinants of housework time by gender and type of locality. Multiple regression models for housework time and 23 demographic, social and economic variables were estimated and verified. The analysis was conducted on the basis of individual data from the Time Use Survey conducted by the Statistics Poland in 2013.Results: The empirical study found no differences in the key determinants of housework time between women and men depending on the type of locality. The main factors of influence were: paid work time, time spent meeting physiological needs (sleeping, eating, washing), time spent on learning, the number of children and, finally, economic activity.Novelty: The theoretical part outlines barely known economic theories that addressed the issue of unpaid housework. The authors describe the care economy, humanistic economics, economics of happiness, time allocation theory as well as a two-dimensional approach to poverty research. Housework (which means the unpaid activity of household members aimed at satisfying the needs of individuals forming the household) has also been out of economic mainstream categories. Even though unpopular, it has an economic value and can be replaced by market goods and services or offered by the state. The authors have been persuaded that there are tangible and intangible benefits resulting from this type of work.


2019 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 507-541
Author(s):  
Chalachew Getahun Desta

Women’s disproportionate engagement in housework and its determinants has been relatively well studied for developed countries, but such research is absent for less developed countries. Unless barriers to women’s participation in development efforts are addressed, poverty reduction programs may not succeed. Using data from a household survey of 502 women and employing a multivariate linear regression model, this paper analyzed determinants of women’s hours of housework. Results show that, in line with theory and past research, time availability and resources or bargaining power have statistically significant negative associations with a woman’s housework time. Similarly, traditional gender perception/practice has the expected positive association with a woman’s housework time. National strategies aiming at poverty reduction may need to pay more attention to educate women, help them overcome shortage of working capital, and improve employment opportunities since these may increase resources available to women, empower them, and thereby minimize gendered housework.


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