Mexican-American Educational Stagnation

2018 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 159-182 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Neil Turner ◽  
Brian Thiede

High school dropout rates among Mexican Americans decline markedly between the first and second immigrant generations and, consequently, move closer to non-Hispanic white levels. However, the third generation makes little progress in closing the remaining gap with whites despite their parents having more schooling on average than those of the second generation. Utilizing 2007–2013 Current Population Survey data, we examine whether an inter-generational shift away from two-parent families contributes to this educational stagnation. We also consider the effect of changes in sibship size. The analysis involves performing a partial regression decomposition of differences between second- and third-generation Mexican-American adolescents (aged 16–17 years) in the likelihood of having dropped out. We find that Mexican third-generation teens are close to nine percentage points less likely than second-generation peers to live with two parents. The decomposition results suggest that this change in family structure offsets a substantial portion of the negative influence of rising parental education on third-generation dropout risk.

2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 441-457 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vilma Ortiz ◽  
Edward Telles

Among Mexican Americans, generational differences in education do not fit with assimilation theory’s predictions of significant improvement from the second to third generation; instead, education for third generation remains similar to the second generation and falls behind that of non-Hispanic whites. Scholars have not examined this educational gap for recent cohorts, nor have they considered a wide range of economic outcomes by generation. Using a nationally representative sample of young adults from the National Educational Longitudinal Survey, we examine various educational and economic outcomes among second- and third-generation Mexican Americans and compare it to whites and blacks. We find that third-generation Mexican Americans have similar outcomes to the second generation and lower education and economic levels than whites and blacks, even when controlling for key factors. Our findings reveal limitations to assimilation theory and suggest that the persistent low status of third-generation Mexican Americans may be largely due to their racialization. These findings coupled with prior research on Mexican Americans point to a consistent pattern of third generation disadvantage, which stands in contrast to second generation advantage.


2012 ◽  
Vol 2012 ◽  
pp. 1-5 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Rosina Finley ◽  
Johanna Becho ◽  
R. Lillianne Macias ◽  
Robert C. Wood ◽  
Arthur E. Hernandez ◽  
...  

Purpose. To determine the factors that are associated with Mexican Americans’ preference for ventilator support, given a supposed terminal diagnosis.Methods. 100 Mexican Americans, aged 60–89, were recruited and screened for MMSE scores above 18. Eligible subjects answered a questionnaire in their preferred language (English/Spanish) concerning ventilator use during terminal illness. Mediator variables examined included demographics, generation, religiosity, occupation, self-reported depression, self-reported health, and activities of daily living.Results. Being first or second generation American (OR = 0.18, CI = 0.05–0.66) with no IADL disability (OR = 0.11, CI = 0.02–0.59) and having depressive symptoms (OR = 1.43, CI = 1.08–1.89) were associated with preference for ventilator support.Implications. First and second generation older Mexican Americans and those functionally independent are more likely to prefer end-of-life ventilation support. Although depressive symptoms were inversely associated with ventilator use at the end of life, scores may more accurately reflect psychological stress associated with enduring the scenario. Further studies are needed to determine these factors’ generalizability to the larger Mexican American community.


2020 ◽  
Vol 80 (4) ◽  
pp. 961-995
Author(s):  
Edward Kosack ◽  
Zachary Ward

We present new estimates of the outcomes of first-generation Mexicans and their descendants between 1880 and 1940. We find zero convergence of the economic gap between Mexicans and non-Mexican whites across three generations. The great-grandchildren of immigrants also had fewer years of education. Slow convergence is not simply due to an inheritance of poverty; rather, Mexican Americans had worse outcomes conditional on the father’s economic status. However, the gap between third-generation Mexican Americans and non-Mexican whites is about half the size today as it was in 1940, suggesting that barriers to Mexican American progress have significantly decreased over time.


2020 ◽  
pp. 135910532097765
Author(s):  
Jennifer J. Salinas ◽  
Roy Valenzuela ◽  
Jon Sheen ◽  
Malcolm Carlyle ◽  
Jennifer Gay ◽  
...  

Most Mexican-Americans do not meet current physical activity recommendations. This paper uses the ORBIT model of obesity intervention development as a framework to outline the process of establishing three employer-based walking challenges in El Paso, Texas, a predominantly Mexican American community. The walking challenges were planned and implemented through the Border Coalition for Fitness and participating partnering organizations. Over 2000 participants and several employers took part in the walking challenges. Results from this ORBIT Phase 1 design intervention suggest that walking challenges are a feasible approach to increase physical activity in Mexican-Americans.


Injury ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 44 ◽  
pp. S16
Author(s):  
R. Armagan ◽  
T. Isik ◽  
M. Kanar ◽  
H.B. Sezer ◽  
O.T. Eren

1965 ◽  
Vol 97 (12) ◽  
pp. 1303-1318 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. J. Herbert

AbstractIn Nova Scotia one leaf cluster with an adjoining 1 inch of twig taken from the inside of each of 10 apple trees replicated four times is an adequate sample unit to measure the density of the brown mite.The brown mite has one generation with a partial second in some orchards and one with a partial second and partial third in others. The first generation adults in the bivoltine and trivoltine populations lay summer eggs on the leaves and twigs, and diapause eggs on tin twigs. The second generation adults in the bivoltine populations lay only diapause eggs; in the trivoltine populations they lay both summer and diapause eggs. The adults of the third generation lay only diapause eggs.The brown mite is found on both the leaves and woody parts of the tree. In orchards with bivoltine populations the proportion of mites on leaves reached a peak of 80% by mid-July, but thereafter gradually decreased to 10% by the end of August. However, in orchards with trivoltine populations the proportion of mites on leaves reached a peak of 80 to 90% by mid-July, remained constant until mid-August, and thereafter decreased to approximately 40% by the end of August.The number of diapause eggs laid by adults of each generation in both the bivoltine and trivoltine populations varies widely. The eggs are deposited on the trunk as well as on the branches, with the heaviest deposition in the central area of the tree. The diapause eggs laid by adults of the first generation are the last to hatch and those laid by the third generation are the first to hatch the following spring.The factors responsible for the differences in the number of generations and in the number of diapause eggs laid are unknown.


2016 ◽  
Vol 72 (1) ◽  
pp. 168-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Reichen ◽  
Chaithanya Madhurantakam ◽  
Simon Hansen ◽  
Markus G. Grütter ◽  
Andreas Plückthun ◽  
...  

The armadillo repeat serves as a scaffold for the development of modular peptide-recognition modules. In order to develop such a system, three crystal structures of designed armadillo-repeat proteins with third-generation N-caps (YIII-type), four or five internal repeats (M-type) and second-generation C-caps (AII-type) were determined at 1.8 Å (His-YIIIM4AII), 2.0 Å (His-YIIIM5AII) and 1.95 Å (YIIIM5AII) resolution and compared with those of variants with third-generation C-caps. All constructs are full consensus designs in which the internal repeats have exactly the same sequence, and hence identical conformations of the internal repeats are expected. The N-cap and internal repeats M1to M3are indeed extremely similar, but the comparison reveals structural differences in internal repeats M4and M5and the C-cap. These differences are caused by long-range effects of the C-cap, contacting molecules in the crystal, and the intrinsic design of the repeat. Unfortunately, the rigid-body movement of the C-terminal part impairs the regular arrangement of internal repeats that forms the putative peptide-binding site. The second-generation C-cap improves the packing of buried residues and thereby the stability of the protein. These considerations are useful for future improvements of an armadillo-repeat-based peptide-recognition system.


1994 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 221-227 ◽  
Author(s):  
Terri Schwab ◽  
Julie Meyer ◽  
Rosa Merrell

Adherence to the treatment regimen for patients with diabetes is of major concern to healthcare practitioners, particularly when dealing with the high-risk, low-income, Mexican-American population. Assessing the attitudes and beliefs of this group is vital for planning effective and realistic intervention strategies. Therefore, we designed a culturally sensitive instrument to measure health beliefs and attitudes of low-income Mexican Americans with diabetes. The Health Belief Model (HBM) was used as a basis for this study because it is well accepted as a predictor of health-related behaviors. However, we found that the HBM was not an effective tool for assessing the health beliefs or attitudes of this patient population even after rigorous efforts to operationalize the HBM and after conducting extensive statistical analyses. Only two of the five subscales of the traditional HBM, barriers and benefits, were reliable. Scales to measure acculturation and fatalism were added to increase the cultural sensitivity of the tool. These added components were found to be an important variable in interpreting the results for low-income Mexican-American patients.


1994 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Skerry

In the countless conversations about U.S. immigration policy that I have had with Mexican Americans of varied backgrounds and political orientations, seldom have my interlocutors failed to remind me that “We were here first,” or that “This was our land and you stole it from us.” Even a moderate Mexican American politician like former San Antonio Mayor Henry Cisneros sounds the same theme in a national news magazine:It is no accident that these regions have the names they do—Los Angeles, San Francisco, Colorado, Montana.…It is a rich history that Americans have been led to believe is an immigrant story when, in fact, the people who built this area in the first place were Hispanics.


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