“We Can't Let Chicago Outdo Us, Can We?” Sex Education and Desegregation in New York City's Public Schools

2013 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 335-368 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kurt Conklin

Faced with demands for racial desegregation of its public schools, and grasping at half measures to appear responsive, New York City's Board of Education took action in 1967 by ending medical discharges for unwed pregnant students and authorizing the curriculum “Family Living, Including Sex Education.” Approving sex education in part to avoid action on school desegregation, Gotham's school board relied on a resolution written by a parent advocacy group in 1939—a resolution the 1939 school board had rejected following months of debate on the merits of providing instruction on mammalian reproduction for junior high biology students. By the time the Board of Education revisited the issue of sex education in the 1960s, popular understanding of sexuality and sex education had changed considerably. Yet the resolution supporting sex education, submitted by the city's United Parents' Associations (UPA), had not changed at all.

2011 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 486-500 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth K. Wong

In response to public pressure, urban districts in the USA have initiated reforms that aim at redrawing the boundaries between the school system and other major local institutions. More specifically, this article focuses on two emerging reform strategies. We will examine an emerging model of governance that enables big-city mayors to establish authority over the school system, a significant departure from the dominant practice of district governance under an independently elected school board. Mayors in New York, Chicago, Boston and Washington DC, among others, have taken control over the school system with the authority to appoint the school board and/or the superintendent. Further, this article examines a reform strategy that allows for a closer working partnership between public schools and outside providers. This ‘diverse provider’ strategy significantly shifts power from traditionally powerful stakeholders (such as organized teachers’ union) by enabling non-profit and for-profit organizations to manage schools and other services. To illustrate the design and implementation of this type of reform, we will discuss the experience in Chicago (a mayor-led district) and Philadelphia (a district jointly governed by the governor and the mayor). In short, mayoral accountability and the diverse provider model constitute the latest reconfigurations in urban school governance in the USA.


2019 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 501-527
Author(s):  
Lisa M. F. Andersen

The reasons for peer education's ascendance as a core pedagogy in sex education are as much historical as they are reasonable or ethical. This article traces the history of peer-led sex education from the 1970s to the 1990s against the backdrop of New York City's financial ruin, social unrest, and a public health crisis. Starting with an analysis of the Student Coalition for Relevant Sex Education's Peer Information Project, founded in 1974, it investigates the application of new pedagogical techniques, the interplay between pedagogy and bureaucracy, and the transformation of school culture. Peer education thrived when educators and activists agreed that young people were more likely to accept advice from other young people, a reasonable contention that was nonetheless underassessed. Yet peer education's least intriguing attribute proved to be its most important characteristic: it could be quickly and inexpensively enacted. When HIV/AIDS began to decimate New York City's adolescent population, and the Board of Education proved slow and contradictory in its actions, the city turned to peer education, henceforth coupling the concepts of sex education and peer education.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Audrey K. Madison

[ACCESS RESTRICTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI AT AUTHOR'S REQUEST.] Research on sex education regularly presents a polarized depiction of debate, which often puts parents on the defensive and condenses their viewpoints into incongruous, dichotomous camps. This study aims to challenge this rhetoric by presenting findings of nuanced parental viewpoints that frequently get over-simplified, and offers alternative explanations to these complex issues. Positioned within the history of American education in general and sex education in particular, it is further possible to see how vestiges of this history affect current school-led sex education and discussions about it. Through the teasing-out of parental opinions, it became clear that, on the most fundamental level, parents seem to agree that children need sex education. Results indicate that parents' own experiences with sex education play a major part in how they think of their role as sex educators with their children. Additionally, most parents express a desire to ensure their children are better informed and prepared than they were. Parents find their role as sex educator to be very important, although differences between fathers and mothers and parents of opposite sex children complicated this role. Acceptance of this role is a common theme, some parents more determined than others to educate their children about sex (but all acknowledging the feeling that they "have to"). Parents' descriptions of their strategies for sex education revealed differences in active versus passive approaches, questions of "how," "when," and "what" often complicating their approaches. Findings also show that parents have varying opinions on school-led sex education, but many are concerned with biases that may be conveyed in school. The notion that parents fall neatly on one side of the debate or the other is played with and challenged through the purposeful application of parental tropes. This practice revealed that parents do not precisely or consistently conform to these dichotomous boundaries. Finally, comparisons of New York, New York and Omaha, Nebraska demonstrate how schools can accommodate and assist parents in sex education by offering more complex options instead of either "opt in" or "opt out." By taking this approach, Omaha Public Schools district may be able to avoid future contentious arguments over sex education, although this remains to be seen. Throughout this paper, alternatives to the current literature are presented as a method of doing away with the common binary of comprehensive sex education versus abstinence only education. By examining parental opinions of sex education at home and at school, new ways of conducting sex education research are presented and justified.


Author(s):  
Natalie G. Adams ◽  
James H. Adams

This introductory chapter provides an overview of school desegregation in Mississippi. After the Alexander v. Holmes Board of Education ruling on October 29, 1969, thirty Mississippi school districts were ordered to open as desegregated schools after the Christmas break. Left to deal with the hundreds of decisions that had to be made to reopen as fully operational desegregated schools were the principals, teachers, and other school personnel employed by their local public schools. Because every school district had to create its own desegregation plan, the particularities of school desegregation varied greatly. Thus, no singular narrative can adequately capture the complexities of school desegregation, and no one explanation can account for its success or failure. This book then focuses on the arduous task left to local Mississippians in implementing school desegregation in their local communities.


2004 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Derrick Bell

In the midst of a fierce battle, soldiers, fighting in what they consider a great cause, seek encouragement in their struggles. They do not welcome criticism and reject out-of-hand even well-intended warnings that their cause is doomed to failure. By 1970, there had been many court battles, but finally school desegregation advocates were beginning to make some advances in their efforts to gain implementation of the Supreme Court’s decision invalidating racial segregation in the public schools.


Author(s):  
Tom Adam Davies

This chapter examines what were often multiracial battles over public education. In New York and Los Angeles, education reform movements evolved from existing school desegregation protest and antipoverty organizing and were shaped by the emergence of Black Power. Demanding “community control” of public schools, movement participants insisted upon the transfer of decision-making power away from white city officials to locally elected community school boards, as well as the need for black principals, teachers, and more culturally relevant curricula. In Atlanta, grassroots organizers focused on the need for busing to integrate the city's schools. Tracing the trajectory of education reform in each city from the mid-1950s forward, this chapter explores the different ways white politicians, institutions, and organizations supported, facilitated, absorbed, subverted, and defeated grassroots-led challenges to established white educational authority.


2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (5) ◽  
pp. 908-924
Author(s):  
Claude Weathersby ◽  
Yolanda Weathersby

Public school desegregation in the United States has come to be characterized and defined by the busing of schoolchildren, which is an activity that has been widely resisted and opposed by the white populace. In the St. Louis Public Schools district, the St. Louis Board of Education and its school administrators utilized its “intact busing” program not to achieve public school desegregation but to perpetuate de facto segregation in the classrooms of its elementary schools.


2011 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 511-516 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas F. Pettigrew

In 2004, the United States elaborately “celebrated” the fiftieth anniversary of Brown v. Board of Education. The country's mass media acclaimed May 17 as the date of a great national achievement while paying scant attention to the present racial scene in education. Yet those who believed in and fought for the racial desegregation of the nation's public schools found the widespread “celebration” grossly overstated and at best premature. With effective opposition to school desegregation unrelenting during the entire past half century, with the U.S. Supreme Court continually narrowing Brown's scope, and with African American and Hispanic American children still largely attending segregated schools, the nation's unmitigated self-congratulatory stance seemed unwarranted.


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