Cultivating Place: Urban Development and the Institutionalization of Seattle's P–Patch Community Gardens

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 726-746 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charlotte Glennie

How does culture influence the political and economic processes shaping cities? Socially rich but unprofitable land uses, such as community gardens, create a trade–off between maintaining local character and increasing exchange value. To understand how less profitable land uses can prevail in development conflicts, I examined documents and interviewed advocates for Seattle's P–Patch program, which has secured virtual permanence for its publicly owned garden sites. My historical analysis shows that the P–Patch advocates, endowed with significant cultural capital, appealed to notions of Seattle's place character and leveraged the city's legal–policy infrastructure to institutionalize community gardens within Seattle's urban planning framework. The gardens serve a wide constituency, including many low–income and minority residents, but as neighborhood amenities signifying urban sustainability, they also contribute to gentrification. My findings suggest that residents can leverage culture and local character to protect use value, but equity is far from inherent to this process and therefore requires deliberate consideration.

Author(s):  
Jens Meierhenrich

What for many years was seen as an oxymoron—the notion of an authoritarian rule of law—no longer is. Instead, the phenomenon has become a cutting edge concern in law-and-society research. In this concluding chapter, I situate Fraenkel’s theory of dictatorship in this emerging research program. In the first section, I turn the notion of an authoritarian rule of law into a social science concept. In the second section, I relate this concept to that of the dual state and both to the political science literature on so-called hybrid regimes. Drawing on this synthesis, the third section makes the concept of the dual state usable for comparative-historical analysis. Through a series of empirical vignettes, I demonstrate the contemporary relevance of Fraenkel’s institutional analysis of the Nazi state. I show why it is essential reading for anyone trying to understand the legal origins of dictatorship, then and now.


2021 ◽  
pp. 146247452110115
Author(s):  
Robert Todd Perdue

While prisons are often seen as locally undesirable land uses (LULUs), nuance and historical analysis is needed to understand why this is not the case for all places, as well as why many of these “sites of acceptance” are layered upon legacies of resource extraction and environmental degradation. Central Appalachia has seen a shift from coalfields to prisonfields in the past three decades as policymakers turn to the incarceration industry to stem unemployment and depopulation as coal mining declines. Using the conceptual lens of trash, I contend that the literal trashing of the ecosystems of this region has been fostered by the metaphorical representation of Appalachians as “white trash.” In turn, the space is now viewed as a logical location for the deposition of “societal castoffs” in the form of prisoners.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-36
Author(s):  
Laura Guarino ◽  
Stefano Portelli

Abstract Resettlement programs have always been in the political agenda of public institutions and administrators of Casablanca since its growth during the French Protectorate. Today real estate and private multinational capital sneak into local and national powers, pushing public authorities to clear land for new urban development through demolition and resettlement of local residents. The dwellers of areas such as the old town centre (medina) and the slums (karyan) increasingly react to displacement by challenging this urban agenda frontally with their bodies and words, but often also deploying what James Scott calls “weapons of the weak”, i.e. implicit acts of resistance and symbolic dissent. Reversing Asef Bayat’s statement, we consider residents of these stigmatized neighbourhoods “revolutionaries without a revolution”, partisans of an intimate cause of their own, that aims at having a home and surviving in a hostile city. Our reflections are the product of two separate fieldwork researches: one with the inhabitants of informal neighbourhoods, another with residents and former residents of the old medina. The two cases show how resettlement affects the sense of belonging and of cohesion of low-income classes by uprooting the founding element of the everyday life: the house. The uncertainty about the possibility to keep their own home deeply conditions the implicit social pact with the monarchy apparatus, and may represent one of the conditions that are undermining the allegiance to the monarchy itself.


Author(s):  
Sultan K. Zhussip (Aqquly) ◽  
Dikhan Qamzabekuly ◽  
Satay M. Syzdykov ◽  
Kairbek R. Kemengger ◽  
Khalil B. Maslov

It was 1919, that is, on the eve of the mutual acknowledgement of the Alash Autonomy and the Soviet rule of each other and the incorporation of the Kazakh Autonomy in the USSR. However, historical facts confirm that the leader of the Kazakhs was attempting to build a national army, a fully legal one, even during the period of the first Russian revolution of 1905-1907, therefore in the period of the autocratic rule of the colonial empire, despite a number of insurmountable obstacles that seemed to stand in the way. The article is devoted to a historical analysis of the process of creating a legal national army of the Kazakh population and the political legalization of the Autonomous State of Alash on the territory of the Russian Empire in the late 19th – early 20th century. The leader of the Kazakh National Movement “Alash”, Alikhan Bukeikhan was attempting to build a legal national army even during the period of the first Russian Revolution 1905-1907. However, he achieved his goal only after the February Revolution of 1917 – on the eve of the civil war, launched by the Bolsheviks.The leader of the Kazakh National Movement “Alash”, Alikhan Bukeikhan was attempting to build a legal national army even during the period of the first Russian Revolution 1905-1907. However, he achieved his goal only after the February Revolution of 1917 – on the eve of the civil war, launched by the Bolsheviks


Author(s):  
Maharani Karin ◽  
◽  
Eko Budi Sulistio ◽  
Ita Prihantika ◽  
◽  
...  

The Livable of Housing Development Assistance Program (BAPERLAHU) is a government facility to independently support the implementation of proper housing construction in a healthy and safe environment. The implementation of the housing development assistance program requires community involvement to achieve its main goal, namely to provide habitable housing for low-income people (MBR), the elderly or with disabilities. The purpose of this research is to evaluate how the results of the implementation of the Assistance for the Construction of Livable Houses (BAPERLAHU) program in Mesuji Regency in 2019 and to find out what factors affect the implementation of the program. The research method uses qualitative research, the types of data used are primary and secondary data where data collection uses documentation, observation and interview techniques. The results of the study show that the evaluation of the Livable Housing Development program (BAPERLAHU) in Mesuji Regency in 2019 has been going quite well. In 2019 the Livable Housing Development Assistance (BAPERLAHU) program succeeded in completing 322 unfit for habitation houses (RTLH) in Mesuji Regency. However, there are several factors that affect the implementation of the program, such as the political atmosphere, limited funds allocated, the lack of Community Assistants (TPM), and lack of supervision by the Housing and Settlement Area Office of Mesuji Regency.


2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-169
Author(s):  
Muhammad Fauzan Rosli ◽  
Ermy Azziaty Rozali

After the conquest of Egypt in 1517M, the relationship between the Ottoman and the northeast African Muslim community was served. On 1555M, the eyalet of Habesha was established in order to protect the Two Holy Cities of Muslims and the Muslim community in Red Sea shores particulary the northeast Africa. Apart from that, the establishment of the Habesha eyalet was to secure the political and trade route for the Ottoman on that region. Unfortunately, the Ottoman’s initiative were seen as provocations to the Bani Funj, ruler of the Sinnar Sultanate in Nubia which eventually led to centuries of feud between them.The objective of this article is to identify the relationship dynamics between the Ottoman and the Muslim community in northeast Africa, mainly in the regions of Nubia and Ethiopia. This qualitative study is carried out through literature and historical analysis to observe similarities, make comparisons and deduce interpretations of related historical events in that relationship. This study found that, the Ottoman’s relationship throughout the 16th and the 18th centuries, changes allies and foes constantly between the Sinnar Sultanate as well as the Ethiopian kingdoms. Meanwhile, even after the collapse of the Adal Sultanate’s holy war, the Ottoman’s commitment on the destiny of Ethiopian Muslim remained unchanged.   Keywords: Ottoman, Muslim community, Sinnar Sultanate, Ethiopia   Setelah menguasai Mesir pada 1517M, hubungan antara ‘Uthmaniyyah dan komuniti Muslim timur laut Afrika mula terjalin. Pada 1555M, eyalet Habesha telah diasaskan untuk melindungi Dua Kota Suci umat Islam serta komuniti Muslim di persisiran pantai Laut Merah terutamanya di timur laut Afrika. Selain itu, penubuhan eyalet Habesha juga bertujuan mengukuhkan kedudukan politik dan penguasaan perdagangan ‘Uthmaniyyah ke atas rantau tersebut. Walau bagaimanapun, tindakan ‘Uthmaniyyah itu dilihat sebagai sebuah provokasi kepada Bani Funj yang menguasai kesultanan Sinnar di Nubia. Keadaan ini telah membawa kepada perseteruan lebih daripada dua abad. Objektif artikel ini adalah untuk mengenal pasti hubungan dinamik ‘Uthmaniyyah dengan komuniti Muslim di timur laut Afrika terutama di dua wilayah utama iaitu Nubia dan Ethiopia. Kajian kualitatif ini dijalankan melalui kaedah kepustakaan dan analisa sejarah bagi melihat persamaan, membuat perbandingan serta menghasilkan interpretasi terhadap peristiwa-peristiwa sejarah yang terkait dalam hubungan tersebut. Kajian ini mendapati bahawa sepanjang abad ke-16M hingga ke-18M, hubungan antara ‘Uthmaniyyah dan kesultanan Sinnar serta kerajaan Ethiopia menjadikan status lawan dan kawan sering kali berubah. Manakala, komitmen ‘Uthmaniyyah terhadap nasib Muslim Ethiopia tidak berubah walaupun setelah kekalahan gerakan jihad kesultanan ‘Adal.   Kata kunci: Uthmaniyyah, Komuniti Muslim, Kesultanan Sinnar, Ethiopia


2017 ◽  
Vol 63 (4) ◽  
pp. 483-515 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ursula Dallinger

AbstractPolitical economy of redistribution and comparative social policy research view the median voter as the political force, which demands marketregulating social policy in periods of increased income disparities and to which governments – to be re-elected – must respond. However, government responsiveness has been questioned, especially the responsiveness for political demands of low-income households. Are even the preferences of the median voter only selectively addressed through politics? If the median voter is actually influential, its redistributive preferences should explain the outcome of government action, e.g. size of redistribution. Is this true? Based on a pooled dataset with observations between 1980 and 2012 for 13 OECD-countries it is shown that the political position of the median voter alone has no impact. Rather mediating political factors like a proportional electoral system and left parties with wider welfare programs provide for broader representation and more redistribution.


2016 ◽  
pp. 84
Author(s):  
Karim Azizi ◽  
Thibault Darcillon

During the past thirty years, U.S. economic growth has disproportionately benefited the richest percentiles of the American population, i.e., the top income earners. Although this phenomenon is difficult to explain from a “standard” political economy perspective (i.e., majority voting), recent literature emphasizes the role of consumer credit as a means of circumventing costly public redistribution. According to this theory, most OECD and, notably, American policymakers should have facilitated middleclass and low-income households’ access to consumer credit to cushion the effects of increased income inequality (i.e., an increased share of GDP held by top earners). Our contribution to this literature is to argue that increases in inequality (as measured by expansions in the share of GDP held by top income earners) should be associated with aggregate consumption increases. Indeed, in response to increased inequality, easy credit policies stimulate low-income and middle-class consumption, which contributes to an increased aggregate consumption level. Using a panel dataset of 20 developed OECD economies between 1980 and 2007, we show that such increases in inequality are actually associated with expansions of aggregate consumption. Finally, when computing marginal effects, we conclude that these expansions increase with the size of the financial sector.


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