Parental strategies restricting screen use among children, screen home environment, and child screen use as predictors of child body fat: A prospective parent–child study

2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 298-314 ◽  
Author(s):  
Monika Boberska ◽  
Karolina Horodyska ◽  
Magdalena Kruk ◽  
Nina Knoll ◽  
Diana Hilda Hohl ◽  
...  
BMJ Open ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (Suppl 3) ◽  
pp. 95-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan A Clifford ◽  
Alanna N Gillespie ◽  
Timothy Olds ◽  
Anneke C Grobler ◽  
Melissa Wake

ObjectivesOverweight and obesity remain at historically high levels, cluster within families and are established risk factors for multiple diseases. We describe the epidemiology and cross-generational concordance of body composition among Australian children aged 11–12 years and their parents.DesignThe population-based cross-sectional Child Health CheckPoint study, nested within the Longitudinal Study of Australian Children (LSAC).SettingAssessment centres in seven major Australian cities and eight regional cities, or home visits; February 2015–March 2016.ParticipantsOf all participating CheckPoint families (n=1874), body composition data were available for 1872 children (49% girls) and 1852 parents (mean age 43.7 years; 88% mothers), including 1830 biological parent-child pairs.MeasuresHeight, weight, body mass index (BMI), waist circumference and waist-to-height ratio for all participants; body fat and fat-free mass by four-limb bioimpedence analysis (BIA) at assessment centres, or body fat percentage by two-limb BIA at home visits. Analysis: parent-child concordance was assessed using (i) Pearson’s correlation coefficients, and (ii) partial correlation coefficients adjusted for age, sex and socioeconomic disadvantage. Survey weights and methods accounted for LSAC’s complex sample design.Results20.7% of children were overweight and 6.2% obese, as were 33.5% and 31.6% of parents. Boys and girls showed similar distributions for all body composition measures but, despite similar BMI and waist-to-height ratio, mothers had higher proportions of total and truncal fat than fathers. Parent-child partial correlations were greatest for height (0.37, 95% CI 0.33 to 0.42). Other anthropometric and fat/lean measures showed strikingly similar partial correlations, ranging from 0.25 (95% CI 0.20 to 0.29) for waist circumference to 0.30 (95% CI 0.25 to 0.34) for fat-free percentage. Whole-sample and sex-specific percentile values are provided for all measures.ConclusionsExcess adiposity remains prevalent in Australian children and parents. Moderate cross-generational concordance across all measures of leanness and adiposity is already evident by late childhood.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 137 (Supplement 3) ◽  
pp. 135A-135A
Author(s):  
Jenifer L. Gehlsen ◽  
Shane Fernando ◽  
Kimberly Fulda ◽  
Nusrath Habiba

2012 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 783-806 ◽  
Author(s):  
Grazyna Kochanska ◽  
Sanghag Kim

AbstractEarly parent–child attachment has been extensively explored as a contributor to children's future adaptive or antisocial outcomes, but the specific developmental mechanisms remain to be fully understood. We examined long-term indirect developmental sequelae of early security in two longitudinal community samples followed from infancy to early school age: the Family Study (102 mothers, fathers, and infants) and the Parent–Child Study (112 mothers and infants). Constructs at multiple levels (child characteristics, parent–child security, parental discipline, and child antisocial outcomes) were assessed using a range of methods (extensive behavioral observations in a variety of settings, informants' ratings). Both studies supported the proposed model of infant attachment as a potent catalyst that moderates future developmental socialization trajectories, despite having few long-term main effects. In insecure dyads, a pattern of coercion emerged between children who were anger prone as toddlers and their parents, resulting in parents' increased power-assertive discipline. Power assertion in turn predicted children's rule-breaking conduct and a compromised capacity to delay in laboratory paradigms, as well as oppositional, disruptive, callous, and aggressive behavior rated by parents and teachers at early school age. This causal chain was absent in secure dyads, where child anger proneness was unrelated to power assertion, and power assertion was unrelated to antisocial outcomes. Early insecurity appeared to act as a catalyst for the parent–child dyad embarking on a mutually adversarial path toward antisocial outcomes, whereas security defused such a maladaptive dynamic. The possible mechanisms of those effects were proposed.


1951 ◽  
Vol 32 (9) ◽  
pp. 381-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Beth Eaton Hill

Experience with this group of 206 children with retrolental fibroplasia has indicated that the majority of parents, with supportive treatment, are able to make a satisfactory adjustment to the child's blindness and do not break down either physically or emotionally. In instances where they have been too disturbed to cope with the anxiety centered about the blindness, there have been special circumstances which have created too great an emotional burden. In these cases, with casework help, one or two parents were able to accept psychiatric treatment. In situations in which the child has developed obvious behavior problems which have appeared to be based on the parent-child relationship, a number of parents have been able to accept psychiatric treatment for the child with the caseworker offering a supportive service to the parent. In other instances where psychiatric treatment for the child was too threatening, parents have been able to accept foster home care. Foster home placement of blind children has been used primarily to provide the child with a warm, accepting relationship which offers the security necessary to stimulate the child's growth and development. Through this study it was learned: 1. That a home environment that contains a warm parent-child relationship offers the blind child maximum opportunity for development, physically, emotionally, and mentally. In an accepting home environment the blind child lags a little developmentally behind the normal. Without stimulation and security, he is apt to be grossly retarded developmentally. 2. That most parents, like Mrs. A, originally feel ambivalent toward their blind child. They need assistance with handling their anxieties before they can form warm relationships with the blind child. Since the mother-child relationship is the most influential factor in a child's life, the role of the caseworker working with the preschool blind is focused on the mother, with the goal of developing a sound parent-child relationship. 3. That many of the children who appear retarded have “caught up” by the time they are of school age. 4. That training problems, which create considerable anxiety for the parents, may be greatly reduced by making available services of experts in the preschool educational field when the parent is ready to use such service. 5. That nursery schools for the sighted have offered many blind children stimulation and satisfying relationships outside their homes. At the same time, they relieve the mothers and begin the child's adjustment to a sighted world at an early age. 6. That early association between the blind child and the seeing community is possible and profitable as preparation for his later adjustment to society. 7. That community attitudes toward the blind child can be changed by persistent efforts to interpret and individualize the child and his needs. Blindness, because of its permanency and the dependency it creates, evokes emotions of pity, frustration, and the feeling of insecurity in people who are unfamiliar with blind people and their capacities. This reaction is found among professional persons as well as the general public; however, careful scrutiny of these feelings and knowledge regarding blindness will enable the caseworker to see the blind child and his parents as individuals with both strengths and weaknesses. Although there is much to be desired in the knowledge and attitudes of both lay and professional persons regarding young blind children, the social caseworker in any agency can be helpful to the individual child and thus contribute to the solution of a larger problem. In our experience probably the most helpful contribution of the caseworker was the ability to dissociate the child and his blindness and to see him as a child—as an individual with all that that implies—rather than as one of a class. The fact that the caseworker, because of his self-discipline, can do this carries over to the parents, who in turn can begin to think less of the blindness and more of the child. They can thus begin to have natural parental reactions to the blind child rather than reactions that are first colored by the child's blindness. This recognition of the child himself can also be carried beyond the parents to the neighborhood, to the nursery school, and to others in the community with whom the caseworker has contact. The caseworker is effective also through his understanding of the parents’ problem and through enabling them to use him in a helpful way. Many parents have excellent impulses in regard to their blind child, but have no authoritative person with whom they can discuss their plans and who can help them carry them out. They are offered advice by many uninformed people about what is best to do for the blind in the way of education and training. As a result, they are fearful that their own instincts to keep the child at home, or to refrain from pushing the child's general training, will result in damage to the child later. The caseworker can reinforce the parent's desire to be a parent to the blind as well as to the seeing child, taking both the responsibilities and pleasures that are entailed. We have found that parents who have experienced the consistent interest and support of the caseworker and observed his efforts to open up opportunities for their children have been able to release their own energies in constructive action rather than passive acceptance. The strengthening of the parent-child relationship is accomplished by the same method in any casework situation, although a different body of knowledge is required for different problems.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juliana Nobre ◽  
Rosane Morais ◽  
Amanda Fernandes ◽  
Ângela Viegas ◽  
Pedro Figueiredo ◽  
...  

Abstract Objectives: To compare the motor competence of overweight/obese preschoolers with eutrophic peers with a similar level of physical activity, sex, age, socioeconomic status, maternal education, quality of the home environment and quality of the school environment, and to verify the association of body fat mass with gross motor skills in preschoolers.Design: Quantitative, exploratory, cross-sectional study design.Methods: Forty-nine children, aged 3 to 5 years old, from public schools in a Brazilian city were classified into eutrophic and overweight/obese groups.Results: Overweight/obese preschoolers had worse Locomotor subtest standard scores than their eutrophic peers (p = 0.01), but similar skills, Object Control subtest scores and Gross Motor Quotient (p > 0.05). Excess body fat mass explained 13% of the low Locomotor subtest standard scores in preschoolers (R2 = 0.13; p = 0.007).Conclusion: Excess body fat mass is associated with worse locomotor performance when the model is adjusted for contextual factors such as level of physical activity, sex, age, socioeconomic status, maternal education, quality of the home environment and quality of the school environment. Thus, excess body fat mass partly explains lower locomotor skills in preschoolers. These findings may assist with the development of public guidelines aimed at child health in order to outline strategies that enable the stimulation of locomotor skills in preschoolers with excess body fat mass.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dorota Maria Jankowska ◽  
Joanna Maria Kwaśniewska ◽  
Izabela Lebuda ◽  
Eliza Maria Witkowska

This study investigates the link between mother’s and children’s (8 to 9 years of age) creative thinking, focusing in particular on how mothers’ creativity interacts with climate for creativity in the parent-child relationship in predicting the offspring’s creative potential assessed by the Test for Creative Thinking-Drawing Production (TCT-DP). The moderating role of the children’s gender in this relationship was also assessed. In a sample of parent-child dyads (N = 66), it was demonstrated that (a) mother’s and child’s creative thinking was related within dyads, (b) four dimensions of climate for creativity at home environment, namely Encouragement to Experience Novelty and Variety, Encouragement of Nonconformism, Support of Perseverance in Creative Efforts, and Encouragement to Fantasize partially mediated this relationship, and (c) child’s gender did not moderate the investigated relationship. Moreover, there were no differences in climate for creativity between girls and boys, except for the fact that mothers support nonconformism more strongly in their sons than in daughters. Results were discussed in light of potential family transmission mechanisms of creative potential. It was also indicated the study’s implications for practice and directions for future research that stem from this project.


2017 ◽  
Vol 38 (7) ◽  
pp. 521-527 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kiren S. Khan ◽  
Kelly M. Purtell ◽  
Jessica Logan ◽  
Arya Ansari ◽  
Laura M. Justice

1952 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gladys C. Schwesinger

To demonstrate the effects of home environment and parent-child relationship on personality and development, the author tells the life story of a pair of monozygotic twin girls reared apart. One, who grew up as a member of a large closely-knit family group, with mother-love and parental security, has become well-adjusted and happy in spite of severe set-backs. The other, reared as an only child by a hard and restrictive step-mother, and always required to do much hard work, became a tense and instable person, addicted to drugs and Anally probably committed suicide.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document