Coronavirus (COVID‐19) pandemic: Pros and cons of China's soft power projection

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Md. Farid Hossain
2021 ◽  
Vol 97 (4) ◽  
pp. 945-963
Author(s):  
Kristin Diwan

Abstract In the wake of the 2011 Arab uprisings, the wealthy Gulf states of Qatar and the United Arab Emirates began hosting and establishing associations of influential Islamic scholars. These clerical associations, the Doha-based International Union for Muslim Scholars (IUMS) and the Abu Dhabi-based Muslim Council of Elders (MCE) and associated peace initiatives, have afforded a platform for more credibly entering into religious and political debates, for cultivating new networks of influence among Muslim publics, and engaging non-Islamic countries and organizations. Drawing upon interviews and primary resources, this study investigates this exercise in religious statecraft, comparing the discourse and policy interventions of these associations, and analysing their improbable challenge to the predominant religious terms set by the traditional heavyweight in the Gulf, Saudi Arabia. It finds that the effectiveness, or resonance, of these religious soft power projects depends upon credibility—their alignment with national religious traditions and policy directions—and positioning—the targeting of particular audiences and stakeholders. It concludes that the UAE holds certain advantages over Qatar in its soft power positioning in the current nationalist moment, as states gain ground over transnational Islamic movements and relations with powers such as India, Russia, China and Israel—all hostile to independent Islamic movements—gain in importance. Policy-makers acknowledging the surprising hard power projection of these small states through military interventions and economic leverage may benefit from this study of their new religious soft power influence.


Subject The outlook for professional football in China. Significance Ahead of the start of the new season today, China's football clubs have spent a record 400 million dollars buying players from abroad. Lavish spending on foreign stars raises concerns that the development of Chinese footballers is being held back, putting at risk official ambitions for the national team to repeat at FIFA World Cups the country’s soft-power-projection success with the 2008 Beijing Olympic games. However, China’s leaders also want the domestic game to be the core of a sports-entertainment industry that will help rebalance the economy towards domestic consumption. This requires a kick-start from star power. Impacts China could contest the United States’ eventual challenge to the commercial primacy of Europe’s ‘big five’ leagues. Hosting international football tournaments will bring unwelcome scrutiny in non-sporting areas such as human rights. A chronic shortage of coaches offers business opportunities to foreign-owned football academies. Chinese investment in European clubs to gain operational expertise will continue. Acquiring foreign football brands will add more to Chinese acquirers' domestic value than the European value of the asset.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-6
Author(s):  
Silviu-Marian Miloiu

The second issue of volume 12 of The Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies continues to reflect the academic discussions occasioned by the Eleventh Conference on Baltic and Nordic Studies of May 2020. Prof. Radu Carp was one of the keynote speakers of the conference and his address on Combining soft power with the geopolitical approach – how difficult is it for the EU to change its attitude? elicited a great interest among the presenters and attenders of the scientific event. As in any such scholarly event, especially an international gathering with a critical focus on the construction/reconstruction of Europe in vital moments of its past and recent past aspirations, the viewpoints of the participants, including the analysis of Prof. Carp on the current challenges of the EU are passed on to the wider community of fellow researchers, the public and decision-makers. The call for stepping up to a new level of integration and geopolitical power projection is dissected both in its soft and hard power dimension without eschewing the focus on democracy, climate change mitigation measures or cybersecurity.


Author(s):  
GLEN SEGELL

Information warfare is a type of strategic communication realized through models of power such as soft and sharp power. Investigation provides evidence sustaining the theoretical framework and premise that the essential models of power are not just the ability, capability and intent, but also the means, method or technique of both states and non-state actors. The example of a dispute between Israel and Hamas in Gaza, from December 2017 to March 2018, shows Israel wielding soft power and Hamas wielding sharp power. This article reviews the models of power, then uses the methodology of the narrative and counter-narrative of Israel and Hamas to show their information warfare campaign. Hamas, a non-state actor, succeeded in gaining sympathy, but was unable to utilize this to further any other objectives. Winning an information battle by soft or by sharp power does not mean that the conflict is over. The conclusion shows that non-state actors, e.g. Hamas, that prioritize control over openness are deficient in soft power projection, so use sharp power to create distraction by the key attributes of expression and manipulation of mass media and public sensitivities, rather than by the attraction and persuasion (soft power) used by states, e.g. Israel. In both, all that is required is to instil a perception, even without facts, in the minds of the audience, which includes global leaders, the mass population and media outlets.


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