scholarly journals Strategic Authoritarianism: The Political Cycles and Selectivity of China's Tax‐Break Policy

Author(s):  
Ling Chen ◽  
Hao Zhang
Author(s):  
Desiree Sandoica Paris ◽  
Manuel Soler Severino

There are public entities that possess in their hands multiple property assets, that are difficult to manage, being, in many cases, buildings that are considered icons that contribute to the character of their surroundings or that take part of our historical heritage or have some kind of protection. It is difficult for the private sector to manage these assets, if in the public sector, we add the electoral cycle, the problems increase. At a public level, it is more complicated, since it should be understood that the planning of property assets and delivery do not correspond to the political cycles. In addition, policies change once established, perhaps with the development under construction, will inevitably have serious consequences on: the planning, cost and alignment of the building with the final needs of the asset. Therefore, it is important for all the stakeholders to realize that an approach is needed for the long-term management of property asset portfolios. To achieve this goal, we have developed a structured and programmed approach of Property Asset Management adapted to the public sector, in order to provide the best solutions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (3) ◽  
pp. 52-64
Author(s):  
Vasylyna Podliesna ◽  

In the cyclical dynamics of the capitalist world system, politics and economics are closely intertwined, which is manifested in the development of political business cycles of individual countries, as well as in the development of cyclical political and economic processes in the long run on a global scale. The development of political business cycles is due to the influence of interrelated factors - competition of political forces, economic expectations and political preferences of voters. The immanent to the capitalist world-system deep internal contradictions lead to a variety of forms of long-term socio-economic cycles, including such a form as political cycles of a global nature. In the modern conditions of transition from the industrial-market system to the information-network society, the factors continue to exist and the contradictions emerge that both lead to the development of political cycles. Technical and technological transformations that contribute to the formation of information and network society, are strengthening the possibilities of ideological and propaganda activities that affect the cyclical political and economic processes. In such conditions, political cycles are becoming more and more emergent, which is largely due to the influence of social networks, computer games, and "new media" on people's political preferences and their political activity. The cyclical processes of establishing economic and political hegemony in the capitalist world system determine the dominance of the political cycles of leading countries over those of less developed countries. Improving production and dissemination technologies enhances the ability of leading countries to influence the political cycles of less developed countries, and the use of "soft power" is becoming an increasingly important tool of geopolitical struggle in the process of deployment of long-term global political cycles.


2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (suppl 1) ◽  
pp. 2507-2513
Author(s):  
Jorge Simões ◽  
Inês Fronteira

Abstract The Portuguese health system comprises three critical sectors: The State, which intervenes as a regulator of the entire system, and as a planner, provider, and financer of the National Health Service (NHS); the social sector, with a relevant intervention, mainly in continued care; and the private sector, with an essential role in the provision of some types of care. During the last forty years, the State, social, and private sectors’ roles have changed either in its definition or terms of the relationship between them. In general, it is possible to identify, and we shall present them in this opinion article, eight political cycles that reflect the political contexts in Portugal, and, consequently, the ideological framework of each cycle.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-252
Author(s):  
Roman Vavrek ◽  
Viera Papcunová ◽  
Juraj Tej

The political cycle and its impact of economy is usually monitored at the macroeconomic level. Nonetheless, abroad studies are emerging which analyzed the impact of the political cycle on economy on the level of territorial self-government. The aim of the paper is to evaluate the impact of the political cycle on  the financial management of municipalities on  a sample of 69 district towns in Slovak Republic in time period 2007-2017. The results point that to significant heterogeneity, whether at the level of individual towns or when comparing the results for individual years. As a result of the differences observed at the level of the political cycles, we analyzed the differences between the results in each year of each political cycle through CV-TOPSIS method. The financial management of the analyzed towns are very diverse and the increase of town´s expenditures is not always linked to the political cycle.


2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 675-698
Author(s):  
Valentina Vučković ◽  
Ružica Šimić Banović

The purpose of this paper is to explore the factors affecting reform patterns in Croatia in order to identify the main reasons for the (missing) reform success so far. The focus is on the analysis of the political system, especially on government fragmentation as one of the main features of proportional electoral rule and clientelism. In addition to political variables, economic factors are analysed as well. The obtained results show that reforms in Croatia were implemented during crises, that coalition governments are not conducive to reforms and that clientelism and corruption present significant obstacles for reform implementation in Croatia. Moreover, the results show that political cycles also have a significant effect, with reform activity slowing down as elections approach. This article contributes to the burgeoning debate on reform implementation (in the post-socialist societies) from the political economy perspective.


2007 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-68
Author(s):  
János Gősi

Hungarian convergency programmes are trapped in the four-year political cycles. The logic of the parliamentary elections - because of the danger of failure - let fiscal restrictions to be implemented only in the first two years. This is extremely true for general structural reforms, from what the public and the political parties longing for victory expect serious results after 2-3 years of hardship.


2014 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 138
Author(s):  
Gael Lagadec

The action of active interest groups (lobbies) has been traditionally considered to be a source of harmful waste for the economy which reduces social well-being. Can this analysis be adapted to the case of large unorganised groups which do not ask for anything directly? Or, on the contrary, does the setting up of policies which improve the situation of these large groups permit an improvement in social welfare? We start from classical (public choice) analyses of lobbying and rent-seeking developed since the 1970s, closely linked with the hypothesis of re-election-seeking politicians, before extending our analysis also to consider non-sector-specific policies and passive interest groups (notably those too large to meet the Olsonian condition of efficient collective action). Then the research question to be answered becomes whether promoting the interest of large groups can deliver social welfare as defined by the incumbent’s social welfare function. We refer to the political cycles’ evidence to consider that no social welfare objective can motivate the favouring of large groups.


1959 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 51-79
Author(s):  
K. Edwards

During the last twenty or twenty-five years medieval historians have been much interested in the composition of the English episcopate. A number of studies of it have been published on periods ranging from the eleventh to the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. A further paper might well seem superfluous. My reason for offering one is that most previous writers have concentrated on analysing the professional circles from which the bishops were drawn, and suggesting the influences which their early careers as royal clerks, university masters and students, secular or regular clergy, may have had on their later work as bishops. They have shown comparatively little interest in their social background and provenance, except for those bishops who belonged to magnate families. Some years ago, when working on the political activities of Edward II's bishops, it seemed to me that social origins, family connexions and provenance might in a number of cases have had at least as much influence on a bishop's attitude to politics as his early career. I there fore collected information about the origins and provenance of these bishops. I now think that a rather more careful and complete study of this subject might throw further light not only on the political history of the reign, but on other problems connected with the character and work of the English episcopate. There is a general impression that in England in the later middle ages the bishops' ties with their dioceses were becoming less close, and that they were normally spending less time in diocesan work than their predecessors in the thirteenth century.


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