Does the Market Listen to the Government? Evidence from China Central Television

2020 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 438-462 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yun Hong ◽  
Yanhui Jiang
Author(s):  
Lucía Varela Monterroso

China’s Emerging superpower has become a key piece on the global information board in recent years. This study aims to delve into the Chinese media structure, paying special attention on the public television group China Central Television. From a diacritical perspective, one seeks to understand the crossroads underlying it; a descriptive methodological approach focused on content analysis will take an in-depth look at how the media and the administration that control them will be controlled. In 2018, the Chinese government carried out a “State institutional reform plan and the Deepening Party” whose main objective is based on improving public opinion about China on a global scale. Therefore, the transnational media conglomerate China Media Group was created. It has segmented and currently controls three Chinese media giants: on a television level, with China Central Television (CCTV) and radio with China National Radio and China Radio International. Using a historiographic methodology and the implementation of a descriptive methodological approach we will deepen into the following objectives. First, we seek to glimpse the way Chinese media organization is. It is then when we intended to know the way of control carried out by the government related to information and media and will eventually address the thematic content of Chinese public television (CCTV). The Chinese government’s desire for expansion around the world is particularly important, which aims to export Chinese singularities and thus to become a counterpoint to the single control currently exercise by the United States globally. Communication is a key point for China in this expansion.


2003 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Knut Larsson ◽  
Josef Frischer

The education of researchers in Sweden is regulated by a nationwide reform implemented in 1969, which intended to limit doctoral programs to 4 years without diminishing quality. In an audit performed by the government in 1996, however, it was concluded that the reform had failed. Some 80% of the doctoral students admitted had dropped out, and only 1% finished their PhD degree within the stipulated 4 years. In an attempt to determine the causes of this situation, we singled out a social-science department at a major Swedish university and interviewed those doctoral students who had dropped out of the program. This department was found to be representative of the nationwide figures found in the audit. The students interviewed had all completed at least 50% of their PhD studies and had declared themselves as dropouts from this department. We conclude that the entire research education was characterized by a laissez-faire attitude where supervisors were nominated but abdicated. To correct this situation, we suggest that a learning alliance should be established between the supervisor and the student. At the core of the learning alliance is the notion of mutually forming a platform form which work can emerge in common collaboration. The learning alliance implies a contract for work, stating its goals, the tasks to reach these goals, and the interpersonal bonding needed to give force and endurance to the endeavor. Constant scrutiny of this contract and a mutual concern for the learning alliance alone can contribute to its strength.


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