Welfare state reforms and mass media attention: Evidence from three European democracies

Author(s):  
CARSTEN JENSEN ◽  
GEORG WENZELBURGER
2015 ◽  
pp. 179-199
Author(s):  
Federico Ruozzi

The article presents the entanglement of the Catholic Church and the media by focusing on the case of the Second Vatican Council and the television broadcast of its events. The mass media attention of the council stimulated, according to the author, a double level: the media conveyed more information about the church event than it had ever done before, but at the same time, the mass media influenced the discussion of the council fathers. The article also analyzes, through the lens of the Council, the recent relationship between the Catholic Church and the Italian television.  


1970 ◽  
pp. 159
Author(s):  
Eva Åhrén

The publication of Fredrik Svanberg’s Människosamlarna. Anatomiska museer och rasvetenskap i Sverige ca 1850–1950 [The Collectors of Human Beings. Anatomical Museums and Racial Science in Sweden c. 1850–1950] is very timely. The topic of human remains in museum collections has recently been under debate in Swedish media Early in 2015, the debate was triggered by the efforts of Karolinska Institutet’s Unit for Medical History and Heritage to research its neglected historic collections of human remains, and start repatriating racialized skulls to indigenous source communities. (Disclosure: I am the director of that unit, and my own research on the history of medical museums is referenced in this book.) Svanberg, who is head of research at the Swedish History Museum in Stockholm, wrote an important contribution to the media debate. The old skull collections that still exist in Lund, Uppsala and Stockholm, he pointed out, have been “rediscovered” by the media at intervals of 5–7 years since the 1980s (cf. pp. 20–26). Media attention tends to cause a brief uproar, until the crania are quickly forgotten again – until the next time. Swedes don’t seem to retain past understandings and constructions of race, or how these conceptions contributed to the creation of our modern, neutral and ostensibly non-racist welfare state.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefan B. Andrade ◽  
Jens-Peter Thomsen

An overall finding in comparative mobility studies is that intergenerational mobility is greater in Scandinavia than in liberal welfare-state countries like the United States and United Kingdom. However, in a recent study, Landersø and Heckman (L & H) (2017) argue that intergenerational educational mobility in Denmark and the United States is remarkably similar. L & H’s findings run contrary to widespread beliefs and have been echoed in academia and mass media on both sides of the Atlantic Ocean. In this article, we reanalyze educational mobility in Denmark and the United States using the same data sources as L & H. We apply several different methodological approaches from economics and sociology, and we consistently find that educational mobility ishigher in Denmark than in the United States.


2010 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 663-677 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christoffer Green-Pedersen ◽  
Rune Stubager

Claims regarding the power of the mass media in contemporary politics are much more frequent than research actually analysing the influence of mass media on politics. Building upon the notion of issue ownership, this article argues that the capacity of the mass media to influence the respective agendas of political parties is conditioned upon the interests of the political parties. Media attention to an issue generates attention from political parties when the issue is one that political parties have an interest in politicizing in the first place. The argument of the article is supported in a time-series study of mass media influence on the opposition parties’ agenda in Denmark over a twenty-year period.


Author(s):  
Maria Wramsten Wilmar ◽  
Gunnar Ahlborg ◽  
Lotta Dellve ◽  
Inga Tidefors ◽  
Christian Jacobsson
Keyword(s):  

2013 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Deana Rohlinger ◽  
Jordan Brown

We conceptualize mass media as a field of action and consider how a social movement organization's reputation affects its media strategy as well as the quality of coverage it receives. Drawing on an analysis of two organizations mobilizing around academic freedom, Students for Academic Freedom (SAF) and Foundation for Individual Rights in Education (FIRE), we find that an organization's reputation is consequential. FIRE, which has a strong reputation, gets high-quality coverage and primarily uses this media attention to threaten its targets. SAF has a weak reputation and, consequently, uses alternative and organizational media to create opportunities to spread its ideas to a broader public. It does so by exploiting the linkages among media outlets and moving its ideas from smaller to larger news outlets. We conclude with a discussion of the implications of this research for understanding the role of mass media in strategy, outcomes, and institutional change.


Author(s):  
Sverker Lindblad ◽  
Anders Lindqvist ◽  
Caroline Runesdotter ◽  
Gun-Britt Wärvik

AbstractKeeping schools open was an active strategy in Sweden to meet the threats of the COVID-19 pandemic. In this article we analyze how a collection of welfare state agents with different tasks, resources and interests in interaction formed an assemblage in their responses to the pandemic and how education thereby became part of a strategy to keep the society going. The inquiries concern what this tells us about education as framed and constrained as a part of society. Our observations are based on statements presented by the government and public agencies, mass media and websites. We identified an assemblage of interwoven agents such as institutions, laws, regulations and recommendations, pandemic manuals, statistics and media. All these were brought together by actions and ideas to handle a pandemic when there were no preventive vaccines. The overarching principle was to educate the population to competent actions in dealing with the pandemic. To keep schools open was part of that principle combined with caretaking ambitions. This assemblage looked like a centralistic machine but it was not; risks were pushed back to local authorities and schools. In conclusion, we note that education is vital in the overarching strategy to deal with the pandemic in Sweden in terms of trust in people and governmentality.


2010 ◽  
Vol 40 (160) ◽  
pp. 325-340 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jasmin Siri

This article discusses the diagnosis of a rising 'neo-bourgeois' movement. Three different dimensions of 'Bürgerlichkeit' can be distinguished. The first is the historical idea of 'Bürgerlichkeit' as the starting point of all social theory. The second is the empirical rise of 'Bürgerlichkeit' as a strongly loaded concept in the self-description of mass medial actors, who deny the rights of the ‘underclass’ and the merit of the welfare state. The third is the idea of 'Bürgerlichkeit' in the Marxist sense of bourgeois, which is often used by the critiques of the mentioned discourse. A constructivist analysis shows that what has been recently discussed as the rise of a neo-bourgeois movement, can be described more precisely as a mass media phenomenon which does not necessarily find its correspondence in the social structure.


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