Digital Networks and Sustainability: Do We Need the Government?

Author(s):  
Radhika Rajagoplan ◽  
Runa Sarkar
2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 205630511882180
Author(s):  
Amelia Johns ◽  
Niki Cheong

In 2007, Bersih—a Malaysian social movement for “clean and fair elections”—rode a wave of anti-government sentiment to mobilize 40,000 citizens to take to the streets. In particular, young Malaysians, fueled by “outrage and hope” at old oligarchies and lives put on hold by economic, social, and political inequality, were key actors in Bersih rallies staged between 2011 and 2016, driven by social media platforms and networked publics, which enabled the enthusiasm of the streets to connect with and drive the movement’s online formation. In response, the then government began to use media and security laws to disrupt digital networks and engage in arrest of activists and “ordinary” citizens. This, combined with allegations that the government has used astroturfing (commonly referred to as “cybertrooping” in Malaysia) to shape voter sentiments and suppress the momentum of Bersih and popular forms of online political dissent, has been strongly condemned by human rights organizations. This article draws upon findings from PhD research on cybertroopers and ethnographic interviews conducted with 29 Malaysian-Chinese youth between 2016 and 2018 (in Kuala Lumpur and Melbourne, Australia) to map and analyze the effects of the government’s use of “affective techniques” to manipulate social media publics and crackdown on online political communication, with media reports connecting these strategies to declining participation in Bersih’s street rallies from Bersih 4-5. The article will draw on theories of “networked affect” and “affective publics” to examine the role affect has played in this downturn in participation and a growing sense of hopelessness among Malaysia’s digital citizens.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (Supplement_4) ◽  
Author(s):  
D Artus ◽  
H Larson ◽  
P Kostkova

Abstract Whilst it has long been known that anti-vaccination sentiment is widely disseminated through digital networks, 2019 has seen seismic shifts in the landscape. As viral videos originating on Youtube spread across social networks, HPV vaccine uptake tumbled in a number of countries. In Japan, the government came under sufficient pressure that they de-recommended HPV vaccine, seeing a 70% uptake rate in 2013 fall below 1%. However, there have been some reports of successful interventions - a recent campaign run by the HPV Alliance in Ireland has seen a rate back up to a national average of around 75%. A combination of hard-hitting personal testimonials, social media and traditional media looked to promote the HPV vaccine. Social media platforms such as Twitter enable near real-time understandings of vaccine sentiment and information flows at scale. VAC Medi+Board project developed an innovative approach for Twitter data collection, integration, analysis and visualisation to support rapid responses through identifying key influencers and flashpoints in articles about vaccination going viral. This pilot study evaluated the debate about HPV on Twitter in a period of several month and developed methods for analysis and visualisation of the content, key influencers, information diffusion throughout the network and size of audience. Through complex network analysis, VAC Medi+Board piloted identification of individuals for targeted public health interventions to combat misinformation. In this talk, we will present the VAC Medi+Board HPV study and explore the challenges and opportunities that social media can provide for public health policymakers.


2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (3/4) ◽  
pp. 432-438 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Grinberg

This article examines digital surveillance in Ethiopia under the repressive EPRDF regime. It considers the EPRDF’s responses to the Authoritarian Dilemma, in which repressive leaders must decide between extending digital access to their citizens and further tightening their own grip on power. The consequences of this choice are especially significant in the context of an economically and technologically developing nation like Ethiopia. Thus far, its government has largely chosen to use its control of digital networks to clamp down on freedoms in the face of opposition. However, its desire for robust growth has also prompted it to pursue higher rates of digital adoption. In an effort to both maintain control and promote development opportunities, the government is increasingly drawing on a range of digital surveillance techniques. I outline some of the monitoring and targeting techniques it deploys against both the general population and the critics it views as threats to its unilateral authority. Ultimately, I argue that the intensification of digital surveillance is a reckless approach to addressing the Authoritarian Dilemma. The detrimental impacts of state surveillance cannot help but also chill the possibilities of digital usage and adoption and forestall the full potential of national development.


2003 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Knut Larsson ◽  
Josef Frischer

The education of researchers in Sweden is regulated by a nationwide reform implemented in 1969, which intended to limit doctoral programs to 4 years without diminishing quality. In an audit performed by the government in 1996, however, it was concluded that the reform had failed. Some 80% of the doctoral students admitted had dropped out, and only 1% finished their PhD degree within the stipulated 4 years. In an attempt to determine the causes of this situation, we singled out a social-science department at a major Swedish university and interviewed those doctoral students who had dropped out of the program. This department was found to be representative of the nationwide figures found in the audit. The students interviewed had all completed at least 50% of their PhD studies and had declared themselves as dropouts from this department. We conclude that the entire research education was characterized by a laissez-faire attitude where supervisors were nominated but abdicated. To correct this situation, we suggest that a learning alliance should be established between the supervisor and the student. At the core of the learning alliance is the notion of mutually forming a platform form which work can emerge in common collaboration. The learning alliance implies a contract for work, stating its goals, the tasks to reach these goals, and the interpersonal bonding needed to give force and endurance to the endeavor. Constant scrutiny of this contract and a mutual concern for the learning alliance alone can contribute to its strength.


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