Internet and Civic Activism: New Opportunities of Action

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sokolov Alexander
Keyword(s):  
Civic Activism

A successful person, society and civic activism

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (10) ◽  
pp. 1800-1816
Author(s):  
G.B. Kozyreva ◽  
T.V. Morozova ◽  
R.V. Belaya
Keyword(s):  
Social Capital ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Public Confidence ◽  
Russian Society ◽  
The Public ◽  
Civic Activism ◽  
The Social ◽  
Human And Social Capital ◽  
Person Model ◽  
Social Disparity

Subject. The article provides considerations on the formation and development of a successful person model in the modern Russian society. Objectives. The study is an attempt to model a successful person in the Russian society, when the ideological subsystem of the institutional matrix is changing. Methods. The study relies upon the theory of institutional matrices by S. Kirdina, theories of human and social capital. We focus on the assumption viewing a person as a carrier of social capital, which conveys a success, socio-economic position, social status, civic activism, doing good to your family and the public, confidence in people and association with your region. The empirical framework comprises data of the sociological survey of the Russian population in 2018. The data were processed through the factor analysis. Results. We devised a model of a successful person in today's Russian society, which reveals that a success, first of all, depends on the economic wellbeing and has little relation to civic activism. The potential involvement (intention, possibility, preparedness) in the social and political life significantly dominates the real engagement of people. The success has a frail correlation with constituents of the social capital, such as confidence in people and doing good to the public. Conclusions and Relevance. Based on the socio-economic wellbeing, that is consumption, the existing model of a successful person proves to be ineffective. The sustainability of socio-economic wellbeing seriously contributes to the social disparity of opportunities, which drive a contemporary Russian to a success in life.

scholarly journals In the Theater of Counterrevolution: Loyalist Association and Conservative Opinion in the 1790s

2002 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-328 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin Gilmartin
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
Free Expression ◽  
Political Repression ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Expression ◽  
Civic Activism ◽  
Late Eighteenth ◽  
History Of ◽  
Negative Role

Conservative movements have generally played a negative role in accounts of the history of political expression in Britain during the period of the French Revolution. Where E. P. Thompson and others on the Left tended to identify radicalism with the disenfranchised and with a struggle for the rights of free expression and public assembly, conservative activists have been associated with state campaigns of political repression and legal interference. Indeed, conservatism in this period is typically conceived in negative terms, as antiradicalism or counterrevolution. If this has been the view of hostile commentators, it is consistent with a more sympathetic mythology that sees nothing novel about the conservative principles that emerged in late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century Britain. They represent an establishment response to alien challenges. Even where conservatives set about mobilizing the resources of print, opinion, and assembly in a constructive fashion, the reputation for interference has endured. John Reeves's Association for Preserving Liberty and Property against Republicans and Levellers is a useful case in point, since it managed in its brief but enterprising history to combine fierce anti-Jacobinism with the later eighteenth century's rising tide of voluntary civic activism. The association came together at the Crown and Anchor Tavern when a group of self-professed “private men” decided “to form ourselves into an Association” and announced their intentions through the major London newspapers in November and December of 1792. The original committee then called on others “to make similar exertions in their respective neighbourhoods,” forming energetic local associations that would be linked by regular correspondence with the central London committee. In this way, the loyalist movement grew with astonishing speed.

MODERN MEANS AND MECHANISMS OF CIVIC ACTIVISM AND INITIATIVE IN SOCIETY

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 39-44
Author(s):  
Nurali Shodiev ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Civic Engagement ◽  
Public Administration ◽  
Citizen Participation ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Civic Activism ◽  
Political Communications ◽  
Modern Methods ◽  
Methods And Techniques

The article examines the development trends of modern networks of political communication, the growing influence of social networks on the Internet on the civic engagement of citizens. At thesame time, the role of various blogs in expanding citizen participation in public administration is scientifically analyzed.The analysis ofsocial networks, blogs and various media resources used on the Internet as a platform and tool for civic initiatives and activity in society is carried out. The article also discusses modern methods and techniques for using political communications to increase civic engagement.

Civic Activism and the Legitimation of Armed Struggle Against Batista, 1955–1956

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lillian Guerra
Keyword(s):  
University Students ◽  
Armed Struggle ◽  
The Public ◽  
Civic Activism ◽  
Estudiantes Universitarios

This chapter looks at how José Antonio Echeverría, president of the Federación de Estudiantes Universitarios (Federation of University Students, FEU), prepared the public to back the violent overthrow of the regime that he and his FEU allies were secretly plotting by appealing to Cubans with the claim that an armed challenge to Batista's power could only renew and refresh the national collective union. Castro and his supporters took this argument several steps further, couching their own movement's already proven commitment to violence in discursive histrionics of “making love, not war” in defense of la patria. In adopting the prose and pose of reluctant revolutionaries who loved rather than hated, Echeverría, Castro, and their respective movements attempted to undercut the very claims Batista had made all along, since the very day of his coup.

Cuba on the Verge: Martyrdom, Political Culture, and Civic Activism, 1946–1951

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lillian Guerra
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Political Liberty ◽  
Civic Activism

This chapter argues that the reason for Eddy Chibás's appeal—indeed, the reason he was seen as a selfless loco or madman amid hordes of self-interested hypocrites—lay in the crushing weight of nationalist consciousness and anti-imperialist sentiments among Cubans at the time. Consequently, when Chibás founded La Ortodoxía as a movement in 1947, his rivals in the ruling Auténtico Party simply could not control a stage increasingly crowded by average citizens committed to this task. From the mid-1940s to the early 1950s, government-sanctioned violence and widespread corruption characterized Cuba's brief “democratic moment,” but so did civic activism, unarmed struggles for political liberty, and a flourishing, expanding media.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document